Two relevant articles cited below, with excerpts.

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The Economy Gets Back on Track
but Once Again Leaves Many Workers Behind
By Kevin L. Kliesen

http://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/re/2004/a/pages/econ_track.html#

Excerpt:

  Is the United States Deindustrializing?

  Another reason some analysts cite to explain the current jobless
  recovery is the alleged deindustrialization of the United States
  through international trade. This includes the movement of production
  facilities to countries where labor costs are lower, such as China,
  and the closure of firms in the United States because their goods or
  services ostensibly cannot compete with lower-priced imports. A quick
  look at the data suggests that the number of job losses arising from
  these trade effects is a very small percentage of total unemployment.

  According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. report Extended Mass
  Layoffs, the number of layoffs occurring from "overseas relocation"
  and "import competition" increased from 18,100 in 1996 to 32,400 in
  1999.10 These layoffs then declined modestly in 2000, before rising to
  43,700 in 2001. Although the rate of so-called trade-related layoffs
  moderated in 2002 (falling to about 32,500), the pace has quickened
  somewhat in 2003; layoffs totaled a little more than 19,800 through
  the first two quarters (an annual rate of about 40,000). Still, at
  their peak in 2001, trade-related layoffs represented only 0.6 percent
  of total unemployment. Indeed, in congressional testimony in October
  2003, Douglas Holtz-Eakin, director of the Congressional Budget
  Office, argued that "only about 90,000" lost jobs in the manufacturing
  sector from 1998 to 2002 could be attributed directly to the import of
  goods from China.

  A More-Productive Workforce

  When demand grows at a slower than normal pace, firms are reluctant
  to hire new workers to boost production; instead, the firms prefer
  to meet existing product demand out of inventories (which helps
  explain why inventory investment was much weaker than usual in the
  past two recoveries) or by making their employees more productive. In
  the current recovery, firms have been able to get more out of their
  existing workforce because they are still reaping the gains from the
  surge in capital investment in the late 1990s and into early 2000,
  which, combined with the aforementioned technological improvements,
  significantly improved the productivity of their workforce. As seen in
  Table 1, output per hour (labor productivity) in the nonfarm business
  sector increased by 6.7 percent in the 2001-03 recovery, faster than
  the 1991-92 recovery and the post-war average. However, the growth of
  output per hour in the current recovery is all the more impressive
  given that labor productivity growth remained rapid through the
  recession. During recessions, output per hour tends to fall (growth
  turns negative) as real GDP declines by more than employment or hours
  worked.

  In the seven post-war recoveries prior to the 1991-92 episode, gains
  in labor productivity and hours worked contributed about equally to
  the gain in economic growth (nonfarm business output). But in the past
  two recoveries, hours worked has declined, meaning that all of the
  gain in output has stemmed from labor productivity growth. Hence, the
  recent rapid productivity growth has obviated the need for firms to
  expand their payrolls to the extent they usually do during an economic
  recovery.11 Eventually, though, higher productivity growth means
  higher income, higher spending and increased employment. In short,
  this is why we see real GDP continuing to increase while labor input
  (hours and employment) has not.


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Has Structural Change Contributed to a Jobless Recovery?
August 2003  Volume 9, Number 8         
Authors: Erica L. Groshen and Simon Potter

http://www.newyorkfed.org/research/current_issues/ci9-8/ci9-8.html

Excerpt:

  CONCLUSION

  The period after the 2001 recession will be remembered as the second
  jobless recovery. Our inquiry into the reasons for the current labor
  market slump suggests that structural change has played an important
  role. Industries that lost jobs during the recession have continued
  to shrink during the recovery, and permanent job losses have eclipsed
  temporary layoffs.

  The largely permanent nature of this recession's job losses could
  explain why jobs have been so slow to materialize. An unusually high
  share of unemployed workers must now find new positions in different
  firms or industries. The task of finding such jobs, difficult and
  time-consuming under the best of conditions, is likely to be even
  more complicated now, when financial market weakness and economic
  uncertainty prevail. In such an environment, firms may hesitate to
  create new jobs because of the risks involved in expanding their
  businesses or undertaking new ventures. Some support for this
  interpretation comes from the findings of the Job Openings and
  Labor Turnover Survey, which suggest that the current shortfall in
  payroll growth owes more to low job creation than to widespread job
  elimination.




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