Thanks for the response Mark. Here are my responses to some of the things you 
bring up.

***

Mark: “We did go back once already, didn't we? Trump refused to answer Merkel's 
question whether the US would defend Europe from attack and, a few years later, 
Biden's US led the NATO coalition to support Ukraine. Why couldn't there be 
many years of back and forth?”

Me: Maybe, but this feels different. Trump-Merkel was attention-seeking on 
Trump’s part, as I remember it. This is two well-timed interventions by senior 
administration figures at very important meetings. Maybe I’m wrong, maybe it’s 
just fireworks, but I don’t think so. And I don’t think European governments 
think so either. I think they’re panicking.

Mark: “As historic forces push to integrate European nation states, we have 
seen countervailing forces leading to their dissolution into regions such as 
Catalan and smaller nation-states such as Scotland. Would a Wallonia and a 
Flanders in the EU make more sense than a Belgium? How do you see this playing 
out? Does such processes help or retard European integration?”

Me: There’s been a constant dialectic: as state-level integration is pushed 
forward, more space opens up for small nations (“sub-nations”). “Independence 
within Europe” has been how small nationalisms have spun it in previous 
periods. It neither helps nor retards integration; it accompanies it, and to an 
extent complicates it.

Mark: “It's hard to discern what the US presidential administration is doing. 
So much reality television, government-slashing theater, and a new colonial 
bluster by someone too ignorant to understand that we export capital to 
countries rather than occupy them with armies these days. When we do invade and 
occupy lands it's in part to transfer public funds to the US war industry or to 
achieve some other global goal for key special interests like fossil capital. 
Trump's beliefs are up for sale and changeable: He is always ready to redo or 
cancel a performance.”

Me: Maybe, but this seems strategic, on the part of the whole administration, 
not just a Trump tantrum. As I say, I may be wrong, but it feels serious.

Mark: “I think we find similar campist views among Trotskyists and 
post-Trotskyists.”.

Me: I agree. They have a lot of purchase.

Mark: "I thought BSW recently underperformed ..."

Me: I thought 5% was quite a lot, given it's her first time out. AfD + BSW 
means 1 in 4 Germans on an 80+% turnout voting for deportations. That's 
worrying. 

Mark: “Defend Ukrainian workers in words while we agitate in the US and Europe 
to deny them defensive weapons against an invader. What is to be gained by such 
a policy? Why not international working class solidarity instead?” And: “I 
expect that Polish, Baltic, and other working people will reasonably ask how 
they are to defend themselves from invaders. It might be good to lead what is 
to be supported before what is to be opposed.”

Me: There’s no easy answer. “Defend the right of self-determination in Ukraine” 
is a propaganda demand. So is “international working class solidarity”. They’re 
unobjectionable, but they don’t achieve anything. The real policy is the 
socialist revolution, but we’re nowhere near that. The problem is that if the 
condition to Ukrainian resistance to Russian intervention is dependence on NATO 
weaponry, then you’re at the mercy of what NATO or the dominant powers within 
it want, and look what just happened. Zelenskyy’s in Washington now as I write 
this, signing away goodness knows what. I’m not prepared to allow my government 
to use my money to make weapons to send to Ukraine so it (my government) can 
further its (my government’s) interests in my name and that of the 
self-determination of nations. No, and that’s what we have to say to the 
Ukrainians. It won’t get you anywhere.

Say you’re Finland, or Lithuania, or Poland. You quite rightly fear getting 
gobbled up by Russia, and the US comes along and says, ok, don’t worry, we’ll 
give you all these weapons and we’ll protect you. So you don’t have a problem, 
until you do, until the US says, sorry, it’s not on our agenda to help you 
anymore, you’re on your own. Good luck. Which is what just happened to Ukraine. 
And then the Europeans come along and say, don’t worry, we’ll do it. And you 
don’t have a problem again, until you do. It’s not a solution: I can see why 
it’s attractive if you live in Finland, or Lithuania, or Poland, or wherever, 
but it’s the solution. Look what happened to Ukraine. That’s why I said: “A 
peace that is bought with imperialist power will never anywhere turn out to be 
a just or lasting peace and it is the duty of socialists everywhere to disabuse 
the notion of the possibility of peace and justice emanating from the barrels 
of the imperialists' guns.” That’s the truth. It’s a hard truth, but that’s 
what there is. If there were an easier answer than socialist revolution, then 
that’d be great, but there isn’t, and pretending there is helps nobody.


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