To Salua, I have a different reading of the Volodymyr's article "None of the post-Soviet, so-called maidan revolutions posed an existential threat to the post-Soviet political capitalists as a class by themselves. They only swapped out fractions of the same class in power, and thus only intensified the crisis of political representation to which they were a reaction in the first place. This is why this type of protest has occurred so frequently.
The maidan revolutions are typical contemporary urban civic revolutions, as political scientist Mark Beissinger called them. Drawing from a wealth of statistical material, he shows that unlike social revolutions of the past, the urban civic revolutions only temporarily weaken authoritarian rule and empower middle-class civil societies. They do not bring a stronger or more egalitarian political order, nor lasting democratic changes. Typically, in post-Soviet countries, the maidan revolutions only weakened the state and made local political capitalists more vulnerable to pressure from transnational capital — both directly and indirectly via pro-Western NGOs. For example, in Ukraine, after the Euromaidan revolution, a set of ‘anti-corruption’ institutions has been stubbornly pushed forward by the IMF, G7, and civil society. They have failed to present any major case of corruption in the last eight years. However, they have institutionalised oversight of key state enterprises and the court system by foreign nationals and anti-corruption activists, thus squeezing domestic political capitalists’ opportunities for reaping insider rents. Russian political capitalists would have a good reason to be nervous with the troubles of Ukraine’s once-powerful oligarchs. " and this "Some authors, like sociologist Dylan John Riley, argue that a stronger hegemonic politics from above may help to foster the growth of a stronger counter-hegemonic politics below. If this is true, the Kremlin’s shift toward more ideological and mobilisationist politics may create the condition for a more organised, conscious, mass political opposition rooted in the popular classes than any post-Soviet country has ever seen, and ultimately for a new social-revolutionary wave." When he is talking about the colour revolution "They do not bring a stronger or more egalitarian political order, nor lasting democratic changes. " " the maidan revolutions only weakened the state and made local political capitalists more vulnerable to pressure from transnational capital — both directly and indirectly via pro-Western NGOs" and that is not the same as " a more organised, conscious, mass political opposition rooted in the popular classes than any post-Soviet country has ever seen" >From that to ' it seems that this new social-revolutionary wave should >eliminate the class of political capitalists with view of opening the national >spaces to transnational capital." Obviously, some possible ( maybe) new social-revolutionary wave ( a more organised, conscious, mass political opposition rooted in the popular classes) is different than the Maidan Revolution and consequences of such a way should be different ( with view of opening the national spaces to transnational capital). It seems you are proposing "Do not revolt against Putin ( jumping out of the frying pan) because something worse could come ( the fire). Also , how you can conclude this " The assessment of the colour revolutions is one-sided because these movements appear in this article as authentic social movements aiming at the removal of that class of “Political Capitalists” to the advantage of the exploited classes" when he stated the opposite " The maidan revolutions are typical contemporary urban civic revolutions, as political scientist Mark Beissinger called them. Drawing from a wealth of statistical material, he shows that unlike social revolutions of the past, the urban civic revolutions only temporarily weaken authoritarian rule and empower middle-class civil societies. They do not bring a stronger or more egalitarian political order, nor lasting democratic changes. Typically, in post-Soviet countries, the maidan revolutions only weakened the state and made local political capitalists more vulnerable to pressure from transnational capital — both directly and indirectly via pro-Western NGOs. For example, in Ukraine, after the Euromaidan revolution, a set of ‘anti-corruption’ institutions has been stubbornly pushed forward by the IMF, G7, and civil society. " To repeat this " The assessment of the colour revolutions is one-sided because these movements appear in this article as authentic social movements aiming at the removal of that class of “Political Capitalists” to the advantage of the exploited classes" It seems that you missed this link I posted earlier and you could read that interview to inform yourself better of Volodymyr's positions. To learn about Maidan events you could read one old interview with Volodymyr, who wrote many analyses on the Maidan revolution based on his intensive research of data and facts ( I corrected a little my introductory sentence) https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii133/articles/volodymyr-ishchenko-towards-the-abyss He published recently the book, (really collections of essays that he published earlier) https://www.counterfire.org/article/towards-the-abyss-ukraine-from-maidan-to-war-book-review/ -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group. 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