*"* *Are layers of the Anarchists moving towards Trotsky's transitional method 
despite having this author having the worse aspects of Anaracism!* *"*

(The portions of this commentary are in regular type (made plain by the 
insertions of brackets <<...>> )  My replies are in Italics."

<<Dear comrades,

<<Allow me to share my thoughts as someone who has always been a passive 
Marxist—never part of an active organization, but a sympathizer with a modest 
understanding of Marxism.

As an anarchist I have been an active Marxist for over 50 years. Thus I 
describe myself as an 'anarcho-Marxist'. And I believe that I have a more than 
"a modest understanding of Marxism", in particular, a grasp of Marxian 
economics--with which I am self-taught and thus have none of the prides and 
prejudices of the organizationally educated and thus indoctrinated.

My understanding of 'political Marxism' is more challenged as I have never 
given a damn about the ebbs and flows of the 'isms' of Marxist history as I 
have always held that the situations facing the working class, at this point, 
at any point, have to be examined in their relationships not to the events of 
the past but to the desires of the future. And it is in that manner that the 
present needs be examined.

Arguments amongst Marxists can be traced back to arguments that have existed 
since 1917 and before. My knowledge of political anarchism is much the same. I 
have read no Kropotkin and have no desire to engage with Proudhon. My anarchism 
is summed in but one sentence: "The fundamental equality of each and every one 
of us." All other political and economic positions follow from this 'prime 
directive'.

<<If we analyze the current state of society using the method of Marx and 
Engels, I believe they might conclude that the "conquest of power by the 
proletariat" is no longer a viable possibility. In their time, the industrial 
proletariat was a revolutionary force capable of leading a transformation 
toward communism. However, society has undergone profound changes since then.

"...the 'conquest of power by the proletariat' is no longer a viable 
possibility..."

Such a 'conquest' is the only possibility of changing this world into a place 
fit for human beings.

<<The industrial proletariat, as it existed in Marx and Engels’ era, no longer 
represents the majority of the population. Nor does it have the potential to 
act as the driving force for revolutionary change. The large industries that 
once concentrated workers in vast numbers have largely disappeared, replaced by 
fragmented and decentralized forms of production.>>

Accepting the just above, which I don't, the comrade's analysis seems not to 
rise but falls upon a preconceived idea as to what it is that the 'industrial 
proletariat' (IP) is. Yes. Workers at Boeing are IP. But workers in agriculture 
picking fruit are IP. Health care workers are IP. School teachers are IP. 
Starbucks workers are IP. In short, wherever a laborer toils so as to produce, 
for the capitalist, a product that is a bearer of surplus-value, there that 
worker is an IP.

Today's organization of production, whether the workforces of mega-giants such 
as Amazon or 'small businesses'--defined as having fewer than five hundred 
employees and thus qualify for the U.S. Small Business Administration--are such 
organizations where there lurks the 'Moorlocks' that are the IP. 'Moorlocks' 
that must and will rise up out of dungeon to slay the 'Eloi' that for centuries 
they have toiled in the shadoes to feed those baskingin the sunshine of 
oppression.

There are two major classes, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. 1 ( 
#sdfootnote1sym ) There is but one clash: the battle for the value-added by 
labor above its own costs-of-production, i.e. surplus-value.

<<Moreover, workers today are no longer in the position of having "nothing to 
lose but their chains," as described in The Communist Manifesto. Many now 
possess property, enjoy social mobility, or find some degree of comfort within 
the existing system, making the abolition of private property a far less 
compelling objective.

Marxists have never called for the abolition of private ownership of the means 
of living. The 'private property' which we seek to abolish is the societal 
division between those who own the 'means of production' and those who own only 
themselves and their ability to work, i.e. their 'labor-power'. In such a 
division the latter can only 'make a living' via terms dictated by the owners.

<<In short, the material conditions that once enabled the proletariat to act as 
a revolutionary force have changed so dramatically that a proletarian-led 
revolution no longer seems feasible.>>

It will only become feasible when two circumstances arise: 1.) that we 
recognize the underlying unity of all workers and cease the sub-conscious and 
conscious division of the members of our class into middle-, working- and 
so-called lumpen-classes; and, 2.) when we come to our senses and realize that 
the internecine battle amongst the members of the -isms of Marxism has been and 
is today the single most important part of our oppression that continues and 
will continue. Finally, we must recognize the comradeship of all who stand on 
our side of the class struggle line. Matters not how they choose to wage 
struggle so long as the overriding, underlying and unifying theme is the defeat 
of the bourgeoisie.

"We have nothing to lose but our chains."

JAI

1 ( #sdfootnote1anc ) There are two minor classes: the independent producer 
that owns his own means of production but employs no wage labor (“In that 
original state of things, which precedes both the appropriation of land and the 
accumulation of stock, the whole produce of labour belongs to the labourer. He 
has neither landlord nor master to share with him.” Adam Smith. “Wealth of 
Nations.” https:// 
www.marxists.org/reference/archive/smith-adam/works/wealth-of-nations/book01/ch08.htm
 ( 
http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/smith-adam/works/wealth-of-nations/book01/ch08.htm
 ) ) and the petit-bourgeoisie who owns more that his own means of production, 
and is thus able to employ workers that produce surplus-value, but must himself 
be apart of the production process adding additional value necessary for the 
venture to succeed. (“Of course he (the capitalist) can, like her labourer, 
take to work himself, participate directly in the process of production, but he 
is then only a hybrid between capitalist and labourer, a ‘small master’.” Marx. 
Capital (Vol 1) . https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch11.htm )


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