http://chronicle.com/free/v49/i21/21b02001.htm
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The National Aeronautics and Space Administration is investing close to a 
million dollars in an obscure Russian scientist's antigravity machine, 
although it has failed every test and would violate the most fundamental 
laws of nature. The Patent and Trademark Office recently issued Patent 
6,362,718 for a physically impossible motionless electromagnetic generator, 
which is supposed to snatch free energy from a vacuum. And major power 
companies have sunk tens of millions of dollars into a scheme to produce 
energy by putting hydrogen atoms into a state below their ground state, a 
feat equivalent to mounting an expedition to explore the region south of the 
South Pole.

There is, alas, no scientific claim so preposterous that a scientist cannot 
be found to vouch for it. And many such claims end up in a court of law 
after they have cost some gullible person or corporation a lot of money. How 
are juries to evaluate them?

Before 1993, court cases that hinged on the validity of scientific claims 
were usually decided simply by which expert witness the jury found more 
credible. Expert testimony often consisted of tortured theoretical 
speculation with little or no supporting evidence. Jurors were bamboozled by 
technical gibberish they could not hope to follow, delivered by experts 
whose credentials they could not evaluate.

In 1993, however, with the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Daubert v. 
Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc. the situation began to change. The case 
involved Bendectin, the only morning-sickness medication ever approved by 
the Food and Drug Administration. It had been used by millions of women, and 
more than 30 published studies had found no evidence that it caused birth 
defects. Yet eight so-called experts were willing to testify, in exchange 
for a fee from the Daubert family, that Bendectin might indeed cause birth 
defects.

In ruling that such testimony was not credible because of lack of supporting 
evidence, the court instructed federal judges to serve as "gatekeepers," 
screening juries from testimony based on scientific nonsense. Recognizing 
that judges are not scientists, the court invited judges to experiment with 
ways to fulfill their gatekeeper responsibility.

Justice Stephen G. Breyer encouraged trial judges to appoint independent 
experts to help them. He noted that courts can turn to scientific 
organizations, like the National Academy of Sciences and the American 
Association for the Advancement of Science, to identify neutral experts who 
could preview questionable scientific testimony and advise a judge on 
whether a jury should be exposed to it. Judges are still concerned about 
meeting their responsibilities under the Daubert decision, and a group of 
them asked me how to recognize questionable scientific claims. What are the 
warning signs?

I have identified seven indicators that a scientific claim lies well outside 
the bounds of rational scientific discourse. Of course, they are only 
warning signs -- even a claim with several of the signs could be legitimate.

1. The discoverer pitches the claim directly to the media. The integrity of 
science rests on the willingness of scientists to expose new ideas and 
findings to the scrutiny of other scientists. Thus, scientists expect their 
colleagues to reveal new findings to them initially. An attempt to bypass 
peer review by taking a new result directly to the media, and thence to the 
public, suggests that the work is unlikely to stand up to close examination 
by other scientists.

One notorious example is the claim made in 1989 by two chemists from the 
University of Utah, B. Stanley Pons and Martin Fleischmann, that they had 
discovered cold fusion -- a way to produce nuclear fusion without expensive 
equipment. Scientists did not learn of the claim until they read reports of 
a news conference. Moreover, the announcement dealt largely with the 
economic potential of the discovery and was devoid of the sort of details 
that might have enabled other scientists to judge the strength of the claim 
or to repeat the experiment. (Ian Wilmut's announcement that he had 
successfully cloned a sheep was just as public as Pons and Fleischmann's 
claim, but in the case of cloning, abundant scientific details allowed 
scientists to judge the work's validity.)

Some scientific claims avoid even the scrutiny of reporters by appearing in 
paid commercial advertisements. A health-food company marketed a dietary 
supplement called Vitamin O in full-page newspaper ads. Vitamin O turned out 
to be ordinary saltwater.

2. The discoverer says that a powerful establishment is trying to suppress 
his or her work. The idea is that the establishment will presumably stop at 
nothing to suppress discoveries that might shift the balance of wealth and 
power in society. Often, the discoverer describes mainstream science as part 
of a larger conspiracy that includes industry and government. Claims that 
the oil companies are frustrating the invention of an automobile that runs 
on water, for instance, are a sure sign that the idea of such a car is 
baloney. In the case of cold fusion, Pons and Fleischmann blamed their cold 
reception on physicists who were protecting their own research in hot 
fusion.

3. The scientific effect involved is always at the very limit of detection. 
Alas, there is never a clear photograph of a flying saucer, or the Loch Ness 
monster. All scientific measurements must contend with some level of 
background noise or statistical fluctuation. But if the signal-to-noise 
ratio cannot be improved, even in principle, the effect is probably not real 
and the work is not science.

Thousands of published papers in para-psychology, for example, claim to 
report verified instances of telepathy, psychokinesis, or precognition. But 
those effects show up only in tortured analyses of statistics. The 
researchers can find no way to boost the signal, which suggests that it 
isn't really there.

4. Evidence for a discovery is anecdotal. If modern science has learned 
anything in the past century, it is to distrust anecdotal evidence. Because 
anecdotes have a very strong emotional impact, they serve to keep 
superstitious beliefs alive in an age of science. The most important 
discovery of modern medicine is not vaccines or antibiotics, it is the 
randomized double-blind test, by means of which we know what works and what 
doesn't. Contrary to the saying, "data" is not the plural of "anecdote."

5. The discoverer says a belief is credible because it has endured for 
centuries. There is a persistent myth that hundreds or even thousands of 
years ago, long before anyone knew that blood circulates throughout the 
body, or that germs cause disease, our ancestors possessed miraculous 
remedies that modern science cannot understand. Much of what is termed 
"alternative medicine" is part of that myth.

Ancient folk wisdom, rediscovered or repackaged, is unlikely to match the 
output of modern scientific laboratories.

6. The discoverer has worked in isolation. The image of a lone genius who 
struggles in secrecy in an attic laboratory and ends up making a 
revolutionary breakthrough is a staple of Hollywood's science-fiction films, 
but it is hard to find examples in real life. Scientific breakthroughs 
nowadays are almost always syntheses of the work of many scientists.

7. The discoverer must propose new laws of nature to explain an observation. 
A new law of nature, invoked to explain some extraordinary result, must not 
conflict with what is already known. If we must change existing laws of 
nature or propose new laws to account for an observation, it is almost 
certainly wrong.

I began this list of warning signs to help federal judges detect scientific 
nonsense. But as I finished the list, I realized that in our increasingly 
technological society, spotting voodoo science is a skill that every citizen 
should develop.
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What?
No Flying Spaghetti Monster?


xponent
Guidelines Maru
rob 

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