Cheeni is on vacation and shouldn't be reading any email. I think
Udhay is referring to this friend of mine who is the lead singer in a
rock band in PK. They have been around for a few years now and perform
on stage once in a while, and quite often at the Dunkin Donuts in
Islamabad - yes, you read correctly, DD is the centre of western
culture thereabouts.

I don' think there's anything fundamentally wrong with metal that it
can't coexist with Islam, unless you consider that Islam dislikes
music on general principle.

Original message -
This was posted to another list I follow, and I found...

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On 7/14/08, Udhay Shankar N <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> This was posted to another list I follow, and I found it fascinating. I
> suspect Cheeni and Chris Kelty (among various others) will have more to
> say on this.
>
> Udhay
>
>
>      http://chronicle. com/weekly/ v54/i43/43b00801 .htm
>      ============ =========
>      Muslim Metal
>
>      Bands crank up multiculturalism in the Islamic world
>
>      By MARK LEVINE
>
>      The first time I heard the words "heavy metal" and "Islam" in the
> same sentence, I was confused, to say the least. It was around 5 p.m. on
> a hot July day in the city of Fez, Morocco. I was at the bar of a
> five-star hotel with a group of friends having a drink — at $25 a piece,
> only one — to celebrate a birthday. The person sitting across from me
> described a punk performance he had seen in Rabat not long before we had
> met.
>
>      The idea of a young Moroccan with a Mohawk and a Scottish kilt
> almost caused me to spill my drink.
>
>      That the possibility of a Muslim heavy-metal scene came as a total
> surprise to me only underscored how much I still had to learn about
> Morocco, and the Muslim world more broadly, even after a dozen years
> studying it, and traveling and living across it. If there could be such
> a thing as a heavy-metal Islam, I thought, then perhaps the future was
> far brighter than most observers of the Muslim world imagined less than
> a year after September 11, 2001.
>
>      I shouldn't have been surprised. Muslim history is full of
> characters and movements that seemed far out of the mainstream in their
> day but that nevertheless helped bring about far-reaching changes in
> their societies. As I nursed my drink, I contemplated the various
> musical, cultural, and political permutations that could be produced by
> combining Islam and hard rock. I began to wonder: What could Muslim
> metal artists and their fans teach us about the state of Islam today?
>
>      Their imagination, openness to the world, and the courage of their
> convictions remind us that Muslim as well as Western cultures are more
> heterogeneous, complex, and ultimately alike than the peddlers of the
> clash of civilizations, the war on terror, and unending jihad would have
> us believe. It might seem counterintuitive to Americans, whose image of
> Islam and the contemporary Muslim world come largely from the Fox or CNN
> cable channels, but an 18-year-old from Casablanca who loves hip-hop or
> a 20-year-old from Dubai with spiked hair are as representative of the
> world of Islam today as the Muslims who look and act the way we expect
> them to. They can be just as radical, if not more so, in their religious
> beliefs and politics as their peers who spend their days in the mosque,
> madrassa, or even Al Qaeda training camp.
>
>      The University of Chicago music professor Philip Bohlman argues
> that music's impact extends far beyond the cultural realm for two
> reasons. First, because more than any other cultural product, music
> reflects, even amplifies, the larger social, political, and economic
> dynamics of a society. Second, because political and economic power
> inevitably have "an aesthetic property" that mobilizes listeners into
> action. The same music can be amplified in very different ways: Heavy
> metal and hard-core rap are blasted by soldiers going into battle, and
> bombarded at prisoners as part of "enhanced interrogation. " But when
> the metal or rap is played by young people trying to resist and even
> transcend oppressive governments or societies, its power and potential
> are much more positive, reverberating afar.
>
>      Ever since 9/11, strategists and commentators on the Middle East
> have become obsessed with Islam's demographics; namely, that young
> people constitute a far higher percentage of the Muslim world's
> population in the Middle East and North Africa — upward of 65 percent,
> depending on the age bracket and country — than in any other region of
> the world. These teenagers, twentysomethings, and thirtysomethings are
> not just the future of Islam; they're ours as well. That's why it's so
> important to listen to what young Muslims, and particularly those on the
> cultural cutting edge, are playing and saying.
>
>      Indeed, if the wide variety of music listened to by young people
> across the region is any indication, its future will be as diverse as
> its rock scenes: mainstream and underground, religious and secular,
> Sunni and Shiite, Christian and Jewish as well as Muslim. Governments in
> the Middle East and North Africa are naturally wary of the political
> potential of such hybrid cultural spaces and projects. They understand
> as well as the region's metalheads and hip-hoppers that the presence of
> heavy metal, other Euro-American forms of hard pop music, and other
> forms of alternative culture can threaten the established order.
>
>      Talking to Muslim heavy-metal, rock, hip-hop, and even punk artists
> and fans, listening to their music, and exploring their interactions
> with their families, neighbors, and larger societies reveals the
> Janus-faced nature of globalization. Globalization has long gotten a bad
> rap in the Muslim world, and among many citizens of the West as well.
> The reality is much more ambiguous: It's true that globalization has
> reinforced the economic and political marginalization of most of the
> Middle East and North Africa, generating various forms of negative,
> resistance identities in response. But it also has enabled, in fact
> encouraged, greater cultural openness, communication, and solidarity
> across the region, and between Muslims and the West.
>
>      Nowhere is globalization' s positive potential more evident than in
> the media and popular culture of the region today. Globalization may
> have brought Baywatch, late-night German soft-core porn, and Britney
> Spears to the Middle East; but it also brought Al-Jazeera, Iron Maiden,
> and Tupac Shakur. If the region functions as the primary global source
> of petroleum, arms purchases, and jihadis, it is also home to some of
> the most innovative cultural products and political discourses of the
> global era. And most of the people I've met are as discriminating in
> what they pick and choose from the innumerable cultural and political
> choices offered by globalization as the average American. In fact, they
> are often more open to new ideas or products that challenge their
> identities and sensibilities. They have to be; the cultural and
> political chauvinism that has been the source of so much of America's
> troubles since 9/11 is not a luxury they can afford.
>
>      Metalheads and rappers were among the first Middle Eastern
> communities to plug into the globalized cultural networks that emerged
> in the late 1980s. From the start, some have been fanatical about
> replicating the sound and styles of the American and European
> progenitors of metal or rap. Others gleefully violate the boundaries
> separating the global from the local, the religiously appropriate from
> the secularly profane, the exotic from the mundane, and the hip from
> what those in the know deride as hopelessly outdated.
>
>      Cultural sophistication and musical innovation are not traits
> normally associated with heavy metal. Indeed, say "heavy metal" to the
> average American or European, and you are likely to conjure up an image
> of slightly deranged-looking white guys with long, crimped blond hair
> and leather outfits, whose primary talents are sleeping with underage
> girls and destroying hotel rooms. Certainly there were plenty of bands
> like that, especially in the inglorious days of 1980s glam metal. But to
> define a genre as rich and varied as heavy metal by its MTV-lite version
> is equivalent to defining 1.5 billion Muslims by a few thousand turban-
> and djellaba-wearing jihadis running around Pakistan's North-West
> Frontier Province hunting infidels and apostates. Both have given their
> respective cultures a very bad name, and deservedly so. But each
> constitutes only a small minority of believers.
>
>      The term "heavy metal" was coined in an early 1970s Rolling Stone
> interview by Alice Cooper, the patron saint of extreme rock. Metal was
> influenced by a range of musical styles, from the counterpoint of Johann
> Sebastian Bach and the modern classical repertoire he helped to create
> to the riff-driven, often equally virtuosic blues rock of Led Zeppelin,
> Cream, Jimi Hendrix, and Deep Purple. But if there's one band that is
> most responsible for the sound of heavy metal, it's Black Sabbath. In
> the early 1970s, Sabbath produced a series of albums that literally
> defined a new genre. The band's combination of relatively slow tempos,
> heavily distorted guitar riffs in various minor modes, halftone and even
> tritone modulations (known since the Renaissance as the diabolus in
> musica because of the immoral, even lustful feelings it was thought to
> encourage), and morbid, death-inspired lyrics spoke to disaffected
> American and European youth. As guitarist Tony Iommi said about the
> blighted working-class landscape of his youth, "It made [the music] more
> mean."
>
>      By 1975 a new style of metal emerged, dubbed the New Wave of
> British Heavy Metal. Led by bands like Judas Priest, Motorhead, Venom,
> and Iron Maiden, the genre was distinguished by the increased speed and
> musical complexity of the songs, and also by an explicitly working-class
> image that fitted the painful process of deindustrialization and
> economic adjustment experienced by working-class communities in Britain
> and the United States in the mid-to late 1970s. Some of the bands,
> particularly Def Leppard, played up their sexuality, starting a trend
> that would become central to 1980s glam or hair metal.
>
>      When you hang out with metalheads in Casablanca or Lahore, however,
> you'll rarely hear names like Motley Crüe, Warrant, Poison, or other MTV
> hair-metal icons. Instead, bands like Metallica, Slayer, Deicide,
> Cannibal Corpse, Possessed, Angel, and other American and Scandinavian
> inheritors of British metal's New Wave captured the ears and
> imaginations of musicians and fans alike. Those bands created a style of
> music that was faster and far more intense, powerful, distorted, and
> technically difficult than any form of rock 'n' roll before it. Their
> music arrived in the region via flight attendants who spent their
> layovers trolling alternative- record shops, expats home for visits from
> the United States or Europe, local record stores that sold illegal music
> under the counter, and the occasional courageous radio DJ.
>
>      Together, death metal and its sister subgenres of black metal
> (which in contrast to death metal features screamed rather than growled
> vocals and often deals with explicitly Satanic themes), goth, doom,
> grind, grind-core, progressive, and ultimately nu-metal reshaped the
> musical landscape of the Middle East and North Africa. Uniting all those
> genres was the discipline it took to play them correctly at super-fast
> tempos, and the violent, war-laden themes that dominated their lyrics.
> As one Israeli black-metal artist put it, "You play black metal like a
> warrior." Many bands, most notably Iron Maiden, designed their album
> covers and stage shows around the warrior image, although their warriors
> looked more like orks from The Lord of the Rings than the clean-shaven
> and telegenic young soldiers appearing in commercials for the U.S. armed
> forces.
>
>      Indeed, the warrior allusion is a bit ironic, since with the
> exception of Satanic metal, most of the violence in heavy metal is
> depicted as part of a critique of the violence of society at large,
> especially its warlike propensities. It might be hard to imagine when
> watching Ozzy Osbourne stumble around semi-incoherently in his pajamas
> on his MTV reality show, but in its early days his band Black Sabbath
> could be a very political band, exemplified by its seminal song "War
> Pigs," which railed against "Generals gathered in their masses/just like
> witches at black masses."
>
>      Today the aggressive nature of extreme rock and rap have won fans
> across the Middle East and North Africa, where young people are facing
> economic conditions not very different from those endured by their
> counterparts in America and Britain a generation or two ago — except
> that they have the added burden of facing political oppression. Against
> both, the metal and rap fans are converting their musical communities
> into spaces where they can carve out a bit of autonomy, if not freedom,
> within which they can imagine alternatives to the status quo.
>
>      Metal or hip-hop musicians are at the center of the anxieties and
> hopes of what could be called "Islam's generations X through Next":
> Muslims in their teenage years through their late 30s. As a percentage
> of the population of most Muslim countries, that demographic,
> particularly its younger members, is close to twice as large as its
> counterparts in the United States or Europe. Its musicians tend to be
> more educated, informed, and socially active than their Western
> counterparts.
>
>      During the last decade of traveling across the Muslim world, I have
> met musicians, activists, scholars, Islamists, and ordinary people in
> more than a dozen countries, including Morocco, Egypt, Israel,
> Palestine, Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq, Iran, countries in the Persian Gulf,
> and Pakistan. That is a wide swath, home to upward of 500 million
> people; but that's still only a third of the Muslim world. Muslim metal,
> hip-hop, and other forms of pop music continue all the way to Indonesia.
>
>      Like heavy metal, hip-hop, and other macho forms of music in the
> West, in the Muslim world these genres tend to be dominated by men,
> whether musicians or fans. The problem is so acute that the brochure for
> a 2006 rock and hip-hop festival in Morocco included an open letter from
> one of the female organizers titled "Girls Wanted." But as one female
> artist lamented to me, as long as it's considered immoral, or at least
> unsafe, for young women to go out on their own to concerts, let alone to
> be on the stage playing "Satanic music," it will be men who make up the
> majority of metal musicians and fans in the Muslim world.
>
>      Extreme-music scenes also reveal a thriving secular Islam. Contrary
> to what most Westerners and conservative Muslims think, there are plenty
> of secular Muslims, even in Saudi Arabia and Iran. Some are in fact
> atheists, or at least agnostic. Most, however, prefer to separate their
> religious beliefs from their music or their politics; a few use their
> music to deepen their personal faith (as opposed to a Christian metal
> artist who uses the music to evangelize publicly). All consider
> themselves no-less-legitimate members of their faith than do secular
> American Jews or British Anglicans.
>
>      As important, those who identify themselves as religious are often
> followers of various Sufi, or mystical, forms of Islam. Their style of
> faith and practice goes against the grain of the Saudi-inspired orthodox
> vision of Islam that, thanks to decades of missionizing by
> ultraconservative Saudis made possible by the kingdom's vast post-1973
> oil wealth, is assumed by most non-Muslims to have always defined the
> religion. In fact, however, until the last 40 years or so, Sufism was
> the Islam of the vast majority of the world's Muslims, including in
> Taliban-controlled northwest Pakistan, and in Afghanistan.
>
>      All that still leaves the question of why heavy metal has become
> increasingly popular in the Muslim world — popular enough so that the
> Moroccan government, which has cracked down on homegrown metalheads,
> sponsored a metal festival organized by American evangelical Christians
> with ties to the Bush administration. (Lots of kids came; hardly anyone
> understood or paid much attention to the evangelizing lyrics.) The
> answer is quite simple. As one of the founders of the Moroccan metal
> scene, Reda Zine, explained to me, "We play heavy metal because our
> lives are heavy metal." That is, the various aesthetic qualities of
> heavy metal — its harshness, angry tone, and lyrical content — are
> embedded within the quality of life in contemporary Muslim societies.
> Even for well-educated and relatively prosperous Moroccans, the level of
> corruption, government repression, economic stagnation, and intolerance
> makes it extremely hard to imagine a positive future.
>
>      The metal life is not limited just to metalheads. Young people who
> don't like metal can still do metal, as I learned when I brought Reda
> together at a conference with a young Shiite sheik from Baghdad, Sheik
> Anwar al-Ethari (known to his people as the "Elastic Sheik" because of
> his willingness to blend Western and Muslim ideas and practices). After
> listening to Reda describe why he plays metal, Anwar responded: "I don't
> like heavy metal. Not because it's irreligious or against Islam, but
> because I prefer other styles of music. But you know what? When we get
> together and pray loudly, with the drums beating fiercely, chanting and
> pumping our arms in the air, we're doing heavy metal too." In other
> words, whether chanting for Ozzy, Osama, or Moktada al-Sadr, youth
> culture is crucial to the larger identity formation and debates within
> the Muslim world.
>
>      Figuring out how to categorize the relationship to orthodox Islam
> of the two forms of metal — playing and praying — can be hard work. The
> same problem is faced by metalheads, who, in addition to being arrested,
> jailed, and even tortured for being "Satan worshipers," have become the
> butt of national jokes and a foil for comedians, preachers, and
> talk-show hosts looking to assure mainstream Muslims of their moral and
> cultural superiority.
>
>      The variety of voices in Middle Eastern metal, rock, and rap, as
> well as the difficulties and rewards of bringing them together, became
> apparent when I wrote and recorded a song titled "Marhaba," with Reda
> Zine, at the Beirut studio of Moe Hamzeh, lead singer of the Lebanese
> hard-rock band the Kordz. The song, whose title means "welcome" in
> Arabic, blends together hard-rock and funk guitar riffs with a Gnawa
> (Moroccan blues-style Sufi music) bass line and vocals,
> Lebanese-inflected melodies, and a hip-hop beat.
>
>      "Marhaba" was written only a few hours after Reda and I had met
> Moe, on the first night of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. After a day
> of fasting, Reda was clearly inspired as he began playing his gimbri (a
> traditional Moroccan fretless instrument similar to, but tonally lower
> than, a guitar), over which his bandmate Amine Hamma and I started
> jamming on guitars. Amine played the supposedly Western-style funk line,
> and I added an Arabized melody. Sitting at his dual-hard-drive Power Mac
> G5, Moe came up with a drum track that mixed hip-hop and a bit of Arab
> percussion.
>
>      It took two years to finish the song. Blending together the subtle
> but important differences in intonation, melody, and rhythm between
> North African and Middle Eastern music, not to mention the significant
> difference between the Arabic of the two regions, was the first issue.
> But more challenging were the technological and logistical issues:
> moving back and forth among various recording systems in Beirut, Paris,
> Casablanca, and Los Angeles, finding engineers and producers who could
> capture a sound that blended styles in the song.
>
>      "Marhaba's" lyrics are equally as important. In essence, it is a
> deeply religious song, calling out to welcome a Sufi saint into the
> presence of the gathered devotees. Yet Reda's lyrics are also quite
> political. Mixing Moroccan Arabic, French, and a smattering of English,
> recorded in a half-sung, half-rapped style that has come to define
> Southern rap in America, they describe the numerous problems faced by
> Reda's society, particularly those that prevent any true democracy,
> before calling out to welcome the Sufi saint in the refrain.
>
>      What "Marhaba" is ultimately about, Reda reflected during a long
> night in the studio, is how collaborations such as the one we were
> engaged in can help forge what he describes as a 21st-century "virtual
> agora," or public sphere, in which communication among musicians across
> cultures, whether in the studio, on stage, or through the Internet,
> becomes a model for communication and cooperation in situations where
> creating a physical agora, of the kind that was the cornerstone of
> ancient Greek democracy, isn't possible.
>
>      Such an agora is not just a concern for musicians. Egyptian
> bloggers and Moroccan religious activists alike have become expert at
> using the Web to disseminate information, precisely because governments
> block other channels of communication. The kind of globalized agora that
> needs no permanent, physical location to prosper is an antidote to the
> "seduction by Internet" that has become the preferred modus operandi for
> jihadi groups seeking to exploit impressionable young Muslims, for whom
> "hanging around the Internet" has become the equivalent of "hanging out
> on the street corner" a generation ago.
>
>      The collaborative building of an agora addresses one of the most
> important issues facing the Muslim world today — an acute sense of
> humiliation that is strong enough to turn young Muslims, in the West as
> well as in the Muslim-majority world, into extremists and even
> terrorists. The Moroccan scholar and activist Mahdi Elmandjra coined the
> term humiliocratie to describe the continued sense of powerlessness and
> institutionalized "daily humiliation" felt by so many Muslims at the
> hands of the West, and the United States in particular. For Muslim rock
> and rap artists and activists, the treatment they receive at the hands
> of their governments and from many members of their societies adds
> another layer of humiliation, whose sting is often worse.
>
>      Not everyone can be a fan of death metal or hard-core rap. But
> appreciating how the people who are dancing, rapping, playing, and
> praying at the seeming edges of their cultures are transforming Islam
> and the Muslim world points us toward a deeper understanding of the
> past, present, and future of Islam. It might be hard to imagine a Muslim
> Martin Luther King Jr. sharing the stage with a Middle Eastern Ozzy
> Osbourne — the way Bob Dylan and Joan Baez joined King on the steps of
> the Lincoln Memorial at the pivotal moment of the civil-rights era — and
> inspiring an audience of idealistic young Muslims to dream of and work
> toward a hopeful and better future. But it's not so far-fetched.
>
>      The real question is whether they can reach a large enough
> audience, and find a big enough stage to play on, before the toxic
> combination of government oppression, media manipulation, and violence,
> intolerance, and war drown out the rowdy, liberating new soundtrack of
> the Muslim world in a sea of hatred and blood.
>
>      In the end, inshallah (God willing), it will be the kids with the
> long hair and black T-shirts who'll have the last laugh.
>
>      Mark LeVine is a professor of Middle Eastern history at the
> University of California at Irvine. This essay is adapted from his book
> Heavy Metal Islam: Rock, Resistance, and the Struggle for the Soul of
> Islam, published this month by Three Rivers Press. Copyright 2008 by
> Mark LeVine.
>
> --
> ((Udhay Shankar N)) ((udhay @ pobox.com)) ((www.digeratus.com))
>
>

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