Replying to my own post, sorry, but I thought that my statements might  
require further substantiation. 8^)

I wrote:

> Furthermore, using a precedent set during our civil war as justification
> for similar war powers for the so-called war on terror (which, in fact,  
> is not a war), is ludicrous.

Here's some guidance from Daniael Farber, the author of a book called  
Lincoln's Constitution.  the interview is at:
http://www.press.uchicago.edu/Misc/Chicago/237931in.html

Question: As this interview is taking place, the war in Iraq is winding  
down, and we are closing the latest chapter in what seems to be an endless  
state of war for the country since 9/11. Civil liberties have been  
curtailed in numerous ways in the past year and a half, including the  
imprisonment of both citizens and noncitizens without the usual  
constitutional guarantees and the creation of military tribunals to try  
some of these individuals. Lincoln took similar actions during the Civil  
War. Is that precedent sufficient for our present situation?

Farber: The circumstances of the Civil War were so unique that it's hard  
to generalize. Some of the actions of the Bush Administration seem to be  
supported by Civil War precedents, such as military trials for our  
citizens who are captured in the theater of war while serving in an  
opposing army. On the other hand, even suspects detained by the military  
during the Civil War generally did remain in contact with lawyers,  
friends, and family. For example, the most famous case of executive  
detention, John Merryman, became the subject of Chief Justice Taney's  
ruling only because he had been allowed to contact his lawyer, who then  
filed the habeas petition. Even in the critical early days of the Civil  
War, some concern with due process remained.

But in general, the analogies just don't provide much guidance. Lincoln's  
action took place within a matrix of legal understandings about warfare.  
Today's international terrorism is profoundly unlike the Civil War itself  
or the types of wars that were contemplated by the international law of  
the time. Today's actions may or may not be justified, but the  
justifications have to be found elsewhere than in Civil War precedents.

***

And here's an exerpt from an article in The Nation
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20070305/huq

The Civil War era provides equally important lessons for our own times.   
While Lincoln famously decided in April 1861 to suspend the Great Writ of  
Habeas Corpus, which is the Constitution's committed remedy for unlawful  
executive detention, he did not purport to stand above the law. To the  
contrary, Lincoln acted only in the face of imminent and undeniable  
disaster, with Confederate forces looming on Washington from Virginia, and  
an angry Baltimore mob attacking Union troop deployments.

Yet as soon as crisis receded, Lincoln returned to Congress to seek  
legislative approval for the unlawful detentions. Lincoln eloquently  
pleaded his own case, candidly revealing the causes and dimensions of the  
moment's need. And Congress duly authorized what, at the time, had been  
unlawful executive action.

The contrasts to today could not be more stark. The emergency powers the  
President claims have no expiration date. Unlike Lincoln, President Bush  
shows no readiness to be candid to Congress. Executive detention  
operations from Guantánamo to Italy to Iraq have fostered the contempt of  
the world community. Germany and Italy have issued warrants against CIA  
agents due to their involvement in the illicit kidnapping of terrorism  
suspects. Just this week, Argentina's president frankly told visiting  
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales that the President's torture policies  
were wholly unacceptable.

***

So we have a guy held without being charged, but he was able to  
communicate with his lawyer, and we have a president that suspended habeas  
corpus while congress was not in session, but sought and received approval  
 from congress for his actions that occured when a state of emergency  
existed and the seat of the government was in grave danger.

How does that set a precedent for the abuses of power exercised by this  
president who though no state of emergency existed at the time of  
detention, has detained U.S. citizens and held them incommunicado and whom  
has not requested authorization for doing so from congress?

Doug

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