Its decades-long legacy? A secret detention site for the war on terror, the 
rounding up of asylum seekers and migrants (including HIV-positive Haitians), 
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If you’re new to The Border Chronicle—welcome! We are Todd Miller and Melissa 
del Bosque, two longtime independent border journalists based in Tucson, 
Arizona. We founded this news outlet in 2021 because the U.S.-Mexico border is 
the most talked about, yet least understood region in North America. We bring 
you on-the-ground reporting, and analysis with context on the issues that 
matter at the U.S.-Mexico border to bolster democracy and dispel the rampant 
disinformation about the border.




A Long History of Migrant Detention at Guantánamo: A Q&A with Jenna Loyd

Its decades-long legacy? A secret detention site for the war on terror, the 
rounding up of asylum seekers and migrants (including HIV-positive Haitians), 
trash bag shelters, and maggot-infested food.

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U.S. military sets up tent detention camps for undocumented migrants at the 
Naval Station Guantanamo Bay in Cuba on February 9. (Photo by Petty Officer 
Jennifer Newsome)
Share

On February 17, U.S. Department of Homeland Security secretary Kristi Noem 
released a video meant to warn anyone considering coming to the United States 
without proper documents: “If you come here and break our laws, we will hunt 
you down.” This was only a few days after she was at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, 
where she oversaw the third deportation flight under President Donald Trump’s 
directive that the United States will expand its detention of migrants to “full 
capacity” at the U.S. naval base, which means 30,000 people. Noem described the 
people that the U.S. government would incarcerate at Guantánamo as the “worst 
of the worst,” using the language of the Trump administration, which calls 
future detainees “high-priority criminal aliens.” So far this has been a 
dubious claim, as reported by The Washington Post and the Substack publication 
Migrant Insider, which published a detailed a story about a Venezuelan barber 
who ended up at Guantánamo, even though he has no criminal record (though he 
does have four tattoos).

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 Jenna Loyd
On February 18, there were 170 migrants held at the Guantánamo Bay detention 
camp. Reports today, however, indicate that the United States transported all 
detainees to Honduras as part of a deportation to Venezuela. As of now, it is 
unclear what this means going forward.

All in all, this is far from the first time that migrants have been held at the 
Naval Base Guantanamo Bay. Today we have feminist geographer Jenna Loyd, who, 
along with fellow geographer Alison Mountz, cowrote the 2018 book Boats, 
Borders, and Bases: Race, the Cold War, and the Rise of Migration Detention in 
the United States to give us the broader historical context of immigrant 
detention at Guantánamo, what it means as part of the larger picture, the 
conditions of the detention camps, and what is and isn’t unique about this 
moment under Trump. Loyd also coedited the 2012 book Beyond Walls and Cages: 
Prisons, Borders, and Global Crisis. She teaches at the University of 
Wisconsin–Madison.

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What did you think when the White House released the directive to expand a 
migrant detention camp in Guantánamo Bay?

I think this announcement came as shock to many who had been watching news 
reports that Guantánamo was in the process of closure. Naval Station Guantanamo 
Bay (NSGB, also known as GTMO) is a 45-mile space that the United States leased 
from Cuba in 1903 following U.S. invasion of the island during the Spanish 
American War. On that base is a prison complex that George W. Bush opened in 
2002 as part of what’s become known as the Global War on Terror (GWOT). The CIA 
“black site” operations on the base were initially secret. In the more than two 
decades of its existence, the Department of Defense–run prison has held over 
780 people whom it labeled “enemy combatants” or terrorism suspects.

Has Guantánamo also been a part of U.S. immigration and border enforcement? Has 
it been used before to round up and detain people?

Yes. Elsewhere on the same naval base is a facility run by ICE called 
Guantanamo Migrant Operations Center (GMOC). The facility going by this name 
was also authorized in 2002 by George W. Bush to “house and provide for the 
needs” of people attempting to migrate to the U.S., but who were interdicted or 
intercepted at sea. But this was not the first time that the U.S. had used the 
naval base to confine migrants. Ronald Reagan first authorized the interdiction 
of boats by U.S. Coast Guard and the subsequent George H. W. Bush and Bill 
Clinton administrations each used the base to confine asylum seekers and 
migrants. Each of these administrations confined tens of thousands of people 
fleeing from Haiti and Cuba in tent camps to deter future migration. The view 
of the U.S. government was that the vast majority of Haitians did not have 
credible claims to asylum.

The most infamous episode came on the heels of Haitians fleeing persecution 
following the coup of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, in which a group of Haitians, who 
had been recognized as refugees entitled to entry to the U.S. mainland, were 
held in a segregated camp due to their HIV-positive status. Street 
demonstrations and litigation eventually resulted in the federal government 
complying with law and admitting these individuals to the mainland. However, 
the U.S. has continued to treat the space as an exception to refugee and 
migration law.

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A photo by Sgt. David Kirkland from the 1990s. Kirkland writes: “For a 
temporary time, GTMO was home to tens of thousands of refugees from throughout 
the Caribbean who had fled left their homes looking for a brighter future.”
Could you give us a wider view of how the Caribbean has been used for border 
and immigration enforcement? The correlation between the “empire of military 
bases,” as you put it in Boats, Borders, and Bases, and a shift to immigration 
detention?

One of Marco Rubio’s first trips as secretary of state included traveling to 
Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic to talk 
in part about “cooperation on migration.” This is part of a much longer history 
of the U.S. forging agreements with countries in the Caribbean and Central 
America to stem human mobility.

A good example is from the mid-1990s. Amid political turmoil, Fidel Castro 
opened the ports, leading tens of thousands of Cubans to try to make their way 
to the U.S., where they had largely been welcomed as refugees of Communism. But 
Bill Clinton carried on the deterrent precedent for Haitians established by 
Reagan and Bush and used it to detain Cubans on Guantánamo. Meanwhile, the U.S. 
still controlled the Panama Canal Zone and still operated military bases in 
Panama, so when Guantánamo became overcrowded, the U.S. negotiated with the 
Panamanian government to confine Cubans on U.S. bases and in the Canal Zone. 
The sense of betrayal felt by the Cubans toward the U.S. fueled an uprising 
that the U.S. military moved to suppress.

What are the conditions like at Guantánamo and other detention sites in the 
Caribbean?

“Poor” is an understatement of the conditions. Rights organizations have 
alleged that the conditions have been tantamount to human rights violations. 
The deplorable conditions and uncertainty have resulted in rioting, suicides, 
suicide attempts, and legal challenges. In the 1990s, some tents on Guantanamo 
had only trash bags to shield inhabitants from the rain, and people held there 
reported maggots in their food. Lawyers suing for the release of Haitians also 
found video evidence of military officials’ attacks on the people confined 
there. More recently, rights organizations have condemned dilapidated housing, 
mold, lack of potable water, insufficient medical care, and child imprisonment. 
The difficulty of civilians gaining access to these spaces and publicizing 
their conditions contributes to the impunity.

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U.S. military with migrants arriving to Naval Base Guantanamo Bay on February 
6. (Photo by Staff Sgt. ShaTyra Cox)
Is the prevention-through-deterrence strategy—which we see in effect on the 
U.S. border with Mexico—also used in the Caribbean?

You’ve reported extensively about the harmful consequences of prevention 
through deterrence as it’s been implemented in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. As 
the Trump administration resumes the use of Guantánamo, it’s important to 
recognize the Caribbean as another border space where U.S. Coast Guard 
interceptions and detention on military bases I described earlier formed 
explicit iterations of deterrence. Presidents Obama and Biden expanded on 
deterrence efforts in the region using euphemistic language like “safe third 
country agreements” or “funds to address root causes of migration” in exchange 
for “cooperation” on migration, as brokered in the Los Angeles Declaration on 
Migration and Protection.

What is unique about Trump’s use of Guantánamo now in 2025?

Trump in this moment is both unique and not. As in the first Trump presidency, 
his administration’s migration policing, detention, and deportation actions are 
purposefully mediated to create spectacular displays of force, which sow terror 
and fear. Using military planes to deport people and the military prisons on 
Guantánamo to detain immigrants are a new part of that state terrorism. At the 
same time, the apparent unlawfulness of the military detaining immigrants 
extends the unlawfulness of military prisons in the GWOT.

The second thing that I regard as unique is that the bilateral agreements that 
have been brokered in the region to “cooperate” in deterring migration to the 
U.S. have now been transformed so that these countries act as “bridges” for 
deportation or extraterritorial sites of detention. Rubio’s visit to Panama was 
soon followed by disturbing reports of migrants from at least 10 countries, 
including Iran, Afghanistan, India, and China, being deported from the U.S. to 
Panama and confined in hotels. This adds to the spectacle of might. But this 
action likely could not have transpired so quickly unless Biden had not 
brokered this deal with Panama in 2024, a piece of border work that got little 
to no attention at the time. So, Trump can take credit for this cruelty, but 
Republican and Democratic administrations alike have built this transnational 
network of migration deterrence and deportation.

Video put together by Jack Sapoch. He explains: “Satellite imagery shows recent 
changes around Guantanamo Bay's Migrant Operations Center consistent with a 
large scale constructions of tents This is likely to house incoming troops, but 
potentially as well new migrants being flown to the island by the Trump 
administration.”


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