'Every Bomb Dropped, Every Missile Launched': Israel's Road to Perdition? - 
Palestine Chronicle

‘Every Bomb Dropped, Every Missile Launched’: Israel’s Road to Perdition?
Through genocide, is Israel now very close to the ultimate fulfillment of the 
Zionist dream – all Palestine just for us – as Netanyahu and his even more 
openly fascistic, racist, and exterminatory ministers believe?

What is Israel? The question is not as silly as it might seem. There is Israel 
on the map, but even then this is a state that has never defined its 
international borders except for those with Egypt and Jordan.

Apart from the map, what can Israel legitimately claim as its own? Stripping 
the answer down to its basics, examining the history in some detail, not very 
much. The territories occupied in 1967 – east Jerusalem, the West Bank, and 
Syria’s Golan Heights – can be ruled out straight away.

On July 19, 2024, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) finally ruled that 
Israel’s presence in the 1967 occupied Palestinian territories (the West Bank 
and East Jerusalem) is unlawful, and as a UN member bound by the charter and 
the rules of the organization, it was obliged to withdraw.

This was augmented by the declaration of the court’s president, Nawaf Salam, 
that all UN member states should take “concrete and effective measures” against 
Israel’s violations of the law.

These would imply not just diplomatic protests but the withholding of “any 
unconditional financial, economic, military or technological aid to the state 
of Israel” and the punishment of such violations “where appropriate and in 
accordance with the relevant treaties to which they are parties.”

The court’s ruling was underpinned by the 1907 Hague regulations on the conduct 
of war and the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949. Both state that occupation of 
conquered territory must be temporary, and that there can be no sovereignty 
over it. This was violated by the Israeli government in 1980 when under the 
‘Jerusalem Law’ it declared a ‘unified’ Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

The Hague Rules and the 4th Geneva Convention also prohibit the transfer of a 
civilian population into occupied territory, which Israel has been doing ever 
since 1967. The same conventions would also apply to that part of the Golan 
Heights occupied by Israel in 1967, placed under Israeli laws and 
administration on December 14, 1981, and now heavily settled by Israelis.

On December 17, 1981, the UN Security Council, in resolution 497, declared that 
Israel’s Golan Heights Law was “null and void and without legal effect.” 
Ignoring this and other UN resolutions, Israel used the downfall of the Syrian 
government in late 2024 to seize all of the Golan Heights and more territory 
below. Overall, Israel now occupies more than 400 square kilometers of Syria.

It must be borne in mind that 1967 was no ‘preemptive strike’ as Israel claimed 
but a war of calculated aggression, with territorial expansion as the most 
important of its long-term objectives.

Robert Wright, chairman of the UN War Crimes Commission in 1945, described a 
war of aggression as not only an international crime “but the supreme 
international crime,” a phrase repeated at the Nuremberg war crimes tribunal.

Thus, the West Bank, east Jerusalem, the Golan Heights, and the rest of 
occupied Syria have to be separated from what Israel ‘is’ under international 
law and UN/ICJ rulings, but the quest still has to go much further for the 
question to be settled, beginning with the status of west Jerusalem.

There is no ICJ ruling here, only the general assumption within the western 
collective that it is part of Israel. However, government unease on the subject 
is reflected in the fact that only half a dozen countries have moved their 
embassies to west Jerusalem, preferring to stay in Tel Aviv.

Under the (non-binding) partition plan of 1947, the whole of Jerusalem was to 
be a corpus separatum place under international supervision. Having used the 
partition plan to give the semblance of legitimacy to a Jewish state, Israel 
then totally violated it.

1948 was its first war of aggression, aimed at taking over all of Palestine and 
driving out all its people. International intervention prevented these goals 
from being fully achieved, but the intentions were clear, because without the 
Palestinians being driven out, a Jewish state would not have been feasible.

While the territory allocated for an ‘Arab’ state under the partition plan had 
a population almost wholly Palestinian Muslim or Christian, the territory set 
aside for the Jewish state was divided almost equally between indigenous 
Palestinians and Jewish settlers: 498,000 Jews and 495,000 ‘Arabs.’ This could 
only be corrected by driving the Palestinians out, and that could only be done 
militarily.

Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, was very clear about this. In early 
1948, he spoke of expelling the ‘Arabs’ so “our people can replace them.” The 
opportunity had finally arrived to achieve what he had always wanted. “The war 
will give us the land,” he remarked. “Concepts of ‘ours’ and ‘not ours’ are 
peacetime concepts only and they lose their meaning in war.”

Accordingly, Israel seized as much as it could, trampling the partition plan 
(UN General Assembly resolution 181 of 1947) underfoot. The Palmach commander 
Yigal Allon regretted that “mistaken political considerations” had prevented 
the Israeli military from conquering all of Palestine. It had more territory 
than it was given under the partition plan, “much less than it was within her 
military capacity to achieve.”

Israel had the full support of President Truman who declared in October 1948 
that “modifications” to the partition plan should be made “only if fully 
acceptable to the state of Israel.” He certainly did not have in mind the 
”modifications” Israel had already made through the seizure of territory set 
aside for an ‘Arab’ state.

Count Folke Bernadotte, the UN mediator, had made many recommendations Israel 
would not accept. They were based on adherence to the partition plan, including 
international administration of Jerusalem through the UN.

When US Secretary of State George Marshall indicated his support for 
Bernadotte, Truman instructed White House counsel Clark Clifford to write to 
Marshall “completely disavowing” the statement he had made. Later he would only 
agree to the Bernadotte proposals – in line with the partition plan – forming 
the “basis” for discussions.

The Zionists were furious. They refused to cooperate with Bernadotte and on 
September 17, he and his driver were assassinated by Lehi terrorists. Formally 
condemned by the Israeli government for the Bernadotte assassination, Lehi had 
in fact served the state well by removing this obstacle in its path.

Lehi commander Yitzhak Shamir was elected Israel’s prime minister in the 1970s, 
while a decade later the state conferred the ‘Lehi ribbon’ on former members 
who had fought for Israel’s ‘independence.’

Intrinsically, Israel’s occupation of east Jerusalem in 1967 was no different 
from the occupation of west Jerusalem in 1948. Both parts of the city were 
taken by military force and both ended annexed under Israeli law, in clear 
violation of international law and the 1947 partition resolution.

The assumption or ‘international consensus’ that west Jerusalem somehow belongs 
to Israel is no more legally valid than the annexation of the eastern part of 
the city in 1967. Accordingly, Jerusalem east and west cannot be regarded as a 
legitimate part of what Israel ‘is.’

The validity of the partition plan itself is more than questionable. It was 
passed only after bullying of vulnerable delegations by the US. As a State 
Department Policy Planning Staff paper of January 1948 made clear, more 
circumspectly, “without US leadership and the pressures which developed during 
UN consideration of the question, the necessary two-thirds majority in the 
General Assembly could not have been obtained.”

In adopting the partition resolution, the GA “had left unanswered certain 
questions regarding the legality of the plan as the means for its 
implementation.” Furthermore, US support of the principles of 
self-determination “was a basic factor in the creation of the Arab states out 
of the Ottoman Empire after World War 1,” thus accounting for Arab 
disillusionment “as to US objectives and ideals” in 1947/48.

The partition plan also violated the principle of self-determination as written 
into the UN Charter, as affirmed in numerous UN General Assembly resolutions 
and as upheld internationally since 1918.

Apart from the questionable legality of the plan, and the shady means by which 
the UN General Assembly was pressured into recommending it, it contained 
nothing that would have authorized the ‘transfer’ of the Palestinians and the 
‘expropriation’ (theft) of their property, which apart from a few percent was 
all of Palestine, owned individually by Palestinians and, as their historic 
homeland, belonging to them collectively as of right.

The further transgression by Israel was the occupation of 24 more percent of 
Palestine than was assigned to the Jewish state in 1947. There was not even the 
dubious cover of the partition plan for this violent, opportunistic seizure of 
the land and possessions belonging to someone else and according to the law – 
international not occupier’s – still belonging to them.

Considering all of this, to finally answer the question, what is Israel? Not a 
great deal that can legitimately be regarded as Israel’s. Only the 5-6 percent 
that was bought by Zionist land purchasing agencies before 1947 would fall 
under this heading. The rest is stolen, the “miraculous simplification of our 
task” as Chaim Weizmann remarked, with a framework of shady, illicit dealings 
behind closed doors creating a façade of legality.

The ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948 fitted the terms of the genocide 
convention to the letter. The convention was passed (December 1948) even as 
genocide was being committed in Palestine. Western governments did nothing to 
stop it. They allowed it, just as they have allowed the continuation of the 
genocide in Gaza since October 2023.

A vulgar, ignorant, bullying US president is now relieving the Israelis of 
ethnically cleansing Gaza. He says he will do the job himself by paying off 
governments to take the Palestinians in. When they say they won’t, he says they 
will. He will threaten them the same way the US did in 1947 to secure passage 
of the UN partition resolution. His intervention is so gross that it is already 
backfiring.

Through genocide, is Israel now very close to the ultimate fulfillment of the 
Zionist dream – all Palestine just for us – as Netanyahu and his even more 
openly fascistic, racist, and exterminatory ministers believe?

Or is every bomb dropped, every missile launched, every bullet fired at 
children by Israel’s snipers, every threat to commit even greater crimes and 
every cheer from every Israeli as another Palestine apartment block, university 
or school is obliterated, only moving Israel further along the road to 
perdition?

Jeremy Salt



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