The socialist mode of production
Date: December 3, 2024
<https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2024/12/03/the-socialist-mode-of-production/>
Author: Paul Cockshott
<https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/author/paulcockshott/> 2 Comments
<https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2024/12/03/the-socialist-mode-of-production/#comments>

*Concept of mode of production and social formation*

All historical social formations have been characterized by a combination
of economic modes of production. We conventionally speak of these modes of
production being structured into dominant and subordinate modes, so that we
speak of whole periods in which a particular mode of production is
dominant. Thus we talk of capitalist societies or slave societies, even
though slavery and capitalism may co-exist within a given society.

How does one decide which mode of production dominates a society?

One answer would be to look at the state, which social class dominates. One
might on these grounds say that for most of the ante-bellum period the USA
was dominated by the slave mode of production, in the sense that the
representatives of the slave owners dominated the political system. But
behind such political dominance stands wealth. A class can control the
state if the economic system they represent provides them with the
resources to do so. The shift of political control over the US from slavers
to industrialists echoed economic development.

To control the state, a class must control the greater part of a society’s
surplus product. Underlying political dominance is control over surplus
labour.

What differentiate the contesting forms of economy are two things:

   1. The specific mode in which the social division of labour is organised.
   2. The particular way in which a surplus product is extracted1
   
<https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2024/12/03/the-socialist-mode-of-production/#sdfootnote1sym>
   .

For a mode of production to rise to dominance, it must be able to reproduce
its form of the division of labour and its form of surplus extraction on an
expanded scale. This expansion can, in the end, only be protected by
political power. Competing modes of production must, finally, resolve their
rivalry by force or the threat of force. The argument over competing
expansions by slavery and capitalism onto new lands to the west falls in
the end by the *ultimo ratio Regis*, the voice of the cannon. The competing
expansions of the communist and capitalist modes of production on a world
scale are resolved in favour of the latter by Star Wars and the threat of
nuclear annihilation.

But to win, the victor must have out mobilised and out-produced the
vanquished. It must have commanded more labour and more productive labour;
it must have had a greater freely disposable surplus to squander on the
demands of total war.

We are to talk about possible futures, ones in which the communist system
again comprises a part. We can not consider their social structure without
talking about the struggle, economic, political and military between the
capitalism and communism.

Following the fall of communism, there has been a temptation for western
socialists to concentrate on coming up with schemes to address apparent
failings of the communist system in the supply of consumer goods. Roemer
and others have implied that the adoption of some form of market reforms
would have improved consumer goods supply and averted the crisis. This is
often associated with the advocacy of political reforms towards free
elections. We believe that reforms of this sort could only have accelerated
the triumph of capital.

It is a mistake, to which we ourselves have fallen prey, to concentrate too
much attention on issues like shortages of consumer goods under socialism,
or lower living standards relative to the US. These were not decisive
issues. Were living standards the key, it would have been the USA and not
the USSR that would have fallen. In 1989, real wages in the US were lower
than they had been in 1973, whilst those in the USSR had risen even during
what was called the ‘period of stagnation’ under Breshnev. It was
stagnation only in comparison to the much more rapid growth of the Stalin
and Kruschev years2
<https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2024/12/03/the-socialist-mode-of-production/#sdfootnote2sym>.
If a failure to deliver rising living standards explained the fall of the
Soviet system, the survival of the subsequent Yeltsin regime during which
real wages have fallen by an extent unprecedented in peacetime history can
only be miraculous.

We see other causes of crisis arising from:

   1. the form of appropriation of the surplus product,
   2. the scale and disposition of this product,
   3. the specific forms of class antagonism engendered by the communist
   mode of production
   4. the constitutional forms of the socialist
   states
   Note that (we) follow Marx in talking only of the capitalist and communist
   modes of production3
   
<https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2024/12/03/the-socialist-mode-of-production/#sdfootnote3sym>,
   eschewing the Soviet orthodoxy which, basing itself on the language of
   German social democracy, introduced a third mode of production: socialism.
   We follow Mao in seeing socialism as a form of class society dominated by
   the struggle between capitalist and communist ‘roads’,i.e., modes of
   production. We see the self-described socialist countries as having been
   social formations defined by an articulated combination of capitalist and
   communist modes of production. This articulation is both internal, in the
   relationship between economic forms by which reproduction occurred,
   externally defined by the politico-military struggle with the capitalist
   block.

   Our purpose in this paper is:
   5. to characterise the fundamental features of the communist mode of
   production and
   6. Discuss how a future communism could structure its social
   institutions the better to emerge as victor in the next cold war.

Full at
https://paulcockshott.wordpress.com/2024/12/03/the-socialist-mode-of-production/
-- 
JAI


-- 
JAI


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