Good am Marv:
I had not realised that you had thought this was so central at the moment in 
your concerns.
To be honest for my own part, I was more concerned at the moment, to digest the 
elections and considering its immediate, medium and long term.
FWIW - I'll re-look at this, since it was originally addressed as a reply to a 
comment I made.

You write:  Marv Gandall Nov 10   #33475
1. Thesis: 'Fidelity to the Leninist model-> sectarianism.
"I've concluded that the Leninist model was designed for revolutionary 
conditions, and that absent such conditions, fidelity to the model leads to 
sectarian isolation. "

In this earlier note: https://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/33404. You had 
agreed:
"  that a Leninist group better “prepares" activists to intervene in outbreaks 
of mass activity by providing them with the necessary political education and 
organizing skills. And, finally, I agree that if such mass activity were to 
culminate in a revolutionary crisis, a democratic centralist party would be 
required to lead it to a successful conclusion. "

2. In fact you had also stated: Leninist model-> Was spectacularly successful."
"What gave rise to these organizational forms was the underlying view that 
there was a crisis of leadership in the workers’ movement, with the reformist 
leaders lagging and restraining the revolutionary impulses of the base. This 
thesis proved to be spectacularly vindicated in the Bolshevik Revolution".

3. However you say that the situation is different now
"Evidence that the reformist consciousness of the union and union-backed party 
leaders typically reflects rather than lags the consciousness of their members 
and supporters. If it were otherwise, Marxists who have intervened in the 
workers’ movement in the advanced capitalist economies would have long since 
recovered their lost influence. "

My comment.
i) Marv - I do not know why you think anything is different. There were long 
'fallow periods' in the First International, during which Marx and Engels were 
trying to prepare the forces of the Communist league;
Lenin was preparing the Iskra with his Bolsheviks for years before a 'break'. 
Such is the very long period since end WW2. But, we are into change now - in a 
big way I suspect (see iv).
ii) The reformist leaders "reflect the workers" - true - but I would have my 
cake and eat it, and say that a small layer of them also "lag it" the workers, 
that layer being the labour aristocracy. You are surely not saying they have 
disappeared?
iii) I believe there are sectarians outside of any Leninist organisation. I 
think that Lenin gave advice against sectarianism. I think its repetitive rise 
reflects an 'easier path mentality' and is dangerous.
I do not accept that the Leninist structure *of itself* gives rise to 
sectarianism. As so much else this requires a longer historical consideration, 
and I have not the time to do that now.
iv) The 2 key aspects in your note are going to be prominent considerations in 
this next period - an accelerating phase in fact. Namely - the need for a 
non-sectarian mass front(s); with a core of highly organised party formations 
(I deliberately use the plural - there are already a number of such proto to 
full-blown small parties. Each vying to be seen as the party.)
v) As the electronic surveillance reaches even higher pitches - no doubt it has 
already dramatically escalated over 5-10 years ago - organised cores will 
continue to be needed.

My immediate responses, perhaps too terse and need elaboration.
Be well, H


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