The State of Muslims in Gujarat Today
EPW Vol - XLVII No. 33, August 18, 2012 | J S Bandukwala

Commentary

Despite the continued ghettoisation of Muslims in a polarised Gujarat, the 
Muslim community in the state has through sheer hard work shown some advances 
in education and wealth generation. The denial of justice to the victims of the 
2002 Gujarat pogroms, despite strenuous efforts by civil society activists and 
interventions by the higher judiciary, remains a major issue for the community.

J S Bandukwala ([email protected]) had taught physics at MS University, 
Baroda.

The Gujarat Muslim population is around 5.5 million, constituting about 10% of 
the state’s population. The figures are lower than that of states like Assam 
(31%), West Bengal and Kerala (25%), Uttar Pradesh (18.5%) and Bihar (17%). Yet 
the spread of jamaats is most unusual. This is one state where Shia 
communities, though small in number, have played a vital part in the country. 
Ithna Ishri Shias are mostly concentrated around Bhavnagar. Though small in 
number, it was from this community that someone as tall a leader as M­ohammad 
Ali Jinnah emerged. The numbers of the Aga Khan Khojas are equally small, but 
Azim Premji, the richest Indian Muslim belongs to this community. Similarly, 
the Dawoodi ­Bohras number around 0.5 million in Gujarat, but they are highly 
educated and belong to the upper middle and rich classes. Among the Sunnis, the 
Memons were the wealthy elite in Saurashtra a hundred years ago. One of them – 
Dada Abdullah – sponsored the
 South Africa trip of a young lawyer, who later came to be known as the 
­Mahatma. Similarly another Memon, Abdul Habib Marfani, who had business 
connections in Rangoon, fin­anced the Indian National Army of Netaji Subhash 
Chandra Bose, who later, out of gratitude, termed him “Sevak-e-Hind”.

But following Partition these rich and highly educated Muslims migrated from 
Gujarat, mostly to Pakistan or to western countries. Those who remained were 
poor and mostly illiterate. The leadership of these communities passed easily 
into the hands of the ulema, which only compounded the problems of the 
community. To add to their plight, being a border state, so close to Karachi in 
P­akistan, a reverse migration also o­ccurred, sharply increasing the communal 
consciousness of all people in G­ujarat. Other than those close to G­andhi and 
his politics, the political leadership within the state was not sympathetic to 
Gujarati Muslims. The conditions were ripe for the growth of the Rashtriya 
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in the state. It cleverly used this communal 
polarisation to unite a large section of the Hindus against Muslims. Oddly, 
when the country was celebrating Gandhi’s birth centenary, and Badshah Khan 
(Khan Abdul Ghafoor Khan) was in Gujarat,
 there were communal riots in the state. Muslims paid a heavy price, as the 
police, the media, intellectuals and top businessmen collaborated with the 
government in the whitewashing of or giving a spin on the rapes, killings and 
destruction in Muslim localities.

This process of polarisation and communalisation continued over the next 33 
years, with brief interludes of peace and stability. Gujarat became a fortress 
of the saffron forces. No wonder top leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party 
(BJP) including Atal Behari Vajpayee and L K Advani preferred to contest 
parliamentary elections from Gujarat, as the urban seats were very safe for 
them. Even the Gandhian movement, with a few honourable exceptions, began to 
tilt towards the RSS.

The year 2002 was a structural break for the Muslims in the state. We, the 
orphans of Partition, suffered severe brutalities during the pogroms in that 
year. The brutality on our women, particularly the use of trishuls on their 
private parts, for rapes and killings will forever remain embedded in our 
consciousness. Note that these trishuls were blessed by the sants of the 
Swaminarayan sect in public, before distribution to activists and goons 
belonging to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal.

It was easy for everyone to see that the BJP government under the leadership of 
Chief Minister Narendra Modi and the RSS were complicit in the p­ogroms. The 
VHP president Ashok Singhal praised the killings as “the will of lord Ram”. The 
Gujarat VHP president, K K Shastri remorselessly admitted, “our boys did it”. 
The irony was that this person also o­ccupied the post of president of the 
G­ujarat Sahitya Parishad, the highest literary body in the state, a post once 
presided over by none other than Mahatma Gandhi. This just shows how far 
Gujarat has fallen as a state. No wonder there is no remorse, no sorrow for the 
inhuman behaviour that the state experienced during the 2002 pogroms. Rather, 
every effort has been directed to cover up these gory incidents and prevent 
justice from being done in Gujarat.

Focus for Muslims

For Gujarat Muslims, the past decade has been difficult, yet extremely 
fruitful. The Muslim focus has been essentially on four targets: justice for 
the victims of the 2002 pogroms, quality e­ducation for all Muslims, the growth 
of business and industry to generate wealth, and a constructive political 
inter­vention to ensure that Muslims are part of society in Gujarat.

The first purpose has been substantially achieved. For the first time so many 
non-Muslims have been sentenced to life imprisonment for the killings in 2002. 
Note that this has not happened in India earlier. Most of the guilty are landed 
Patels, who have an inexplicable hatred for Muslims. Hopefully these judgments 
will temper their hatred t­owards Muslims. The Muslims of Gujarat are deeply 
grateful to social activists like Teesta Setalvad, who have done yeoman service 
in trying to secure justice for our community. More important is the role of 
the Supreme Court, without whose keen concerns, justice would have been 
impossible in the state, as Chief Minister Narendra Modi was very successful in 
blunting the power of the lower judiciary and even the high court.

I mention here the manner in which the Nanavati Commission was totally 
compromised. This retired Supreme Court justice was asked to investigate the 
riots. Simultaneously, his two sons were appointed as special g­overnment 
prosecutors. This raises the question as to whether Nanavati has done 
everything possible to protect Modi.

The chances are his final report will never see the light of day, and the 
commission will last as long as Nanavati lives, and then just fold up. 
Incidentally the other worthy judge Akshay Mehta won his position by granting 
bail to the notorious Babu Bajrangi, so that he did not have to spend a single 
day in jail. This butcher of Naroda Patiya allegedly slashed the pregnant 
Kausar Banu to death. He was said to then have used a sword to kill and lift 
the unborn child, proclaiming that he felt like Maharana Pratap. It is to the 
shame of Narendra Modi and A­kshay Mehta that they are viewed as god­­fathers 
of Bajrangi.

Progress in the second issue of improvement in the quality of education is 
remarkable. Until 2002, secular education, particularly for girls, was a low 
priority for Muslims. Darul Ulooms, the equivalent of a university, were 
everywhere. South Gujarat had 23 Darul Ulooms, as against just three colleges 
(that too teaching arts and commerce). Following the incidents of 2002, the 
community mindset changed totally. Muslims realised that they can never cope 
with the rise of Hindutva, except with the highest level of education for their 
children. This decade saw a sharp rise of Muslim schools from 250 to about 700. 
Zidni Ilma Charitable Trust, a Vadodara-based-body focused on quality 
education, is currently sponsoring 60 medical and 150 degree engineering 
students from poor and lower middle class families. These are students who in 
the pre-2002 period would have never gone to a professional college, due to 
high costs and also the views of the community. A
 greater satisfaction is the large increase in girls with excellent academic 
performance. The community is poised to have a good future. But it pains that 
the level of education among boys has not risen to the same extent. One needs 
to question as to why is that the case.

The community has focused on wealth generation. The bias against Muslims is so 
deep that it is difficult for them to get a government job in Gujarat. At a 
recent selection of about 980 mamlatdars and equivalent posts, only 24 Mus­lims 
were selected. Fortunately, this has led Muslims to seek self-employment. The 
pressure of competition has forced them to be the best in their fields. No 
wonder the best car or refrigerator mech­anics, electricians or plumbers, 
fabrication or sofa cover specialists are Muslims. Even in high-skill jobs, 
Muslims are making a mark. Few know that a defence specialist in radioactive 
components is a Gujarati Muslim. Nationalised banks have started to open up 
branches in Muslim areas. Yet the bias persists. While Muslim contribution to 
bank deposits is about 12% of the total (higher than their proportion in the 
population), loan disbursals to them are only to the tune of 2.6% of the 
overall loans. There are no top Gujarati
 Muslim-led corporates or big companies. Those who have succeeded in industry 
like Azim Premji or Habil Khorakiwala of Wockhardt have migrated to other 
states.

But none can deny the wealth being generated within the community. This is 
reflected in larger and posher housing societies that were unknown just 10 
years ago. Well-structured mosques have also been constructed by the community 
in many places.

Ghettoisation

The flip side is the ghettoisation that plagues all Muslim localities in 
Gujarat. The fear of riots as well as the refusal of non-Muslims to sell real 
estate to Muslims, has forced the latter into limited areas in e­very city. 
There is a sharp rise in population, but with no place for expansion of living 
spaces. To make matters ugly, the Modi government has deliberately d­ivided 
Muslim areas into different m­unicipal constituencies, so that a city like 
Vadodara does not have the possibility of a corporator being elected from the 
Muslim community. This has resulted in the absence of a voice in the civic 
bodies that can articulate necessities in the supply of water, road 
maintenance, g­arbage removal or street lighting in Muslim-dominated areas. It 
is sad that once we drive from a Hindu area to a Muslim area, suddenly even the 
air appears to stink, the roads are bad, and lighting is poor. Water supply per 
capita has gone down sharply in these areas. No
 wonder all Muslim areas are ghettos. Yet I am confident that with the 
increasing wealth distribution, Muslims will convert these ghettos into 
liveable places.

Finally we cannot ignore political factors. I have believed that Muslims should 
avoid contesting in elections, as communal polarisation makes it difficult for 
their respective parties or outfits to win. But Muslims must vote. They must 
join political parties and express their views as honestly and fearlessly as 
possible. At the same time let there be no illusions. The sight of mullahs 
offering their caps to Narendra Modi, or in one case even touching his feet, 
were plainly disgusting. I wish I could persuade the Bohra jamaat leaders to 
move away from such close identification with Modi. After all, the Bohra Syedna 
claims spiritual d­escent from Hazrat Ali and Hazrat H­usain. Both gave their 
lives fighting the forces of evil. They never compromised with the truth.

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