While a 19-year old molestation case, in the heart of urban India, followed by 
utterly malafide, brutal and persistent use of "power" by the miscreant, a 
top-ranking police officer,  against the victim - an underage girl - and her 
family members leading to the victim's eventual suicide three years later has 
now mercifully caused some ripples, albeit at the lapse of a short decade; all 
at the same time in Pune, again a "modern" and "progressive" urban centre of 
India, the local police, without any appropriate authorisation or whatever, has 
forcibly deported a young woman back to Nepal, wrenching her off from one of 
the most prestigious academic institutions of the country, on the charge of 
"anti-national activities", which now is revealed to be nothing more than a 
gritty stand against her bullying, and powerful, husband in a purely domestic 
dispute. And in Mumbai, and nothing less, senior police officials are 
found making merry in a
 discotheque with dreaded mafia dons to celebrate the Xmas.
And it is the police which is there to prevent and check criminal 
activities!The only silver lining is the media making some noise. And the 
administration is at least squirming.
Nothing less than a radical overhaul would do.Let it start with the first short 
step of "police reforms".
I/III.http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/sunday-toi/special-report/Stop-talking-just-start-delivering-on-reforms-now/articleshow/5406026.cms
Stop talking, just start delivering on reforms nowMAJA DARUWALA, TNN 3 January 
2010, 01:50am IST
Now that the Ruchika case is a national headline, everyone is scurrying to do 
‘the right thing’. Suddenly, circulars are being issued to say that FIRs must 
be registered, as if this were some bright new idea instead of actual law. 
Long-pending legislative amendments are being revived; more fast-track courts 
are being proposed; and the Kumbhakarna-like police establishment is eager as a 
beaver to reopen, reinvestigate and even re-register crimes they should have 
solved years ago. Senior civil servants and officers have found the courage to 
come out of the woodwork to say they had recommended disciplinary action 
against Rathore but were overridden. 

This flurry of action, however, belies the absolute reluctance on the part of 
governments to straighten out the mess in policing. The Rathore case 
exemplifies the naked power the men in khaki can exercise. But if the ills that 
plague the police are well-known, so are the remedies: free the police from 
their unholy nexus with politicians; lay down in law the legitimate spheres of 
power and responsibility of each; equip them well; put in place systems to 
monitor performance and punish misbehaviour; make sure there are independent 
means of monitoring this and, above all, ensure that everyone — however highly 
placed — is accountable to the law and to nobody else. 

It is precisely to achieve this that the Supreme Court laid down a blueprint 
for police reforms in 2006. The aim was to check the rampant political 
influence over the police establishment, set up more open procedures for 
tenure, transfers, and promotions, and improve the redressal mechanism for 
public complaints against police. The court’s scheme, while not a complete 
solution in itself, does make a beginning in tackling some of the major 
problems with policing. Three years on, the states’ record in implementing the 
court’s directives has been abysmal. Some have sought to bypass it by enacting 
new police Acts; others have complied in part only on paper and implementation 
has been left for some uncertain future date — if ever. 

Haryana, the state where the Girhotra family saw so much sorrow, is typical of 
how governments have set about avoiding police reforms. In seeming compliance 
with the court’s directives, the government passed the Haryana Police Act of 
2007. Full of infirmities and deviations from the court’s design, the law 
ultimately does little to create the necessary distance between the political 
executive and the police that the court had envisaged. Of the three watchdog 
bodies recommended by the court, one — the police complaints authority — has 
not been set up at all; the Act says that it may be set up if the need arises. 
The other two — the state security commission that lays down the state's 
policing policy and the police establishment board that decides on career 
advancement and discipline — have been designed to dilute their efficacy and 
make sure the reins remain firmly in political hands. These bodies also 
continue to remain on paper. 

The truth is that there is huge resistance to any kind of police reforms, 
particularly from those in the system who share a cozy relationship of favour 
for favour. It cannot have escaped anyone’s attention that the Rathore case — 
and many more like it — involves not your ordinary Joe, the filmi-type loutish 
cop, but those who consider themselves the crème de la crème of the service — 
the role models and the most privileged of the lot. It is they who can guide 
their men towards good or evil. But the truth is that the police have allowed 
themselves to become the fiefdom of their political masters. What else can 
explain the neat arrangement that allowed a chargesheeted officer like Rathore 
to pass muster through a departmental promotion committee consisting of top 
bureaucrats of the state and become director general of police? And if that was 
not enough, he goes on to get the President’s medal for meritorious service. Is 
anyone watching the cop
 shop? 

Now, it may be possible to find out what factors and influences went into the 
decision to promote a sullied officer. The wrongs of the police in the Ruchika 
case are as blatant as they are heartrending but they are not exceptional. 
Quite the opposite: change the names, tweak the situations and the story of 
unresponsiveness, intimidation, subversion of justice, victimization of the 
weak, delay and endless pain are to be witnessed everyday in every police 
station, in every court. 

It is no use for those in power to just talk about the possibility of new laws 
when the problem lies with the enforcer. The aim of this exercise must not only 
be to reach just conclusions in the case of individual wrongdoing but a 
revamping of the policing system that has deliberately failed our society, 
again and again. 
Maja Daruwala is the director of Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and a 
campaigner for 
police reforms. 

II.A.http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/punes_film_institute_student_deported_to_nepal.php
Pune: Film institute student deported to Nepal
NDTV Correspondent, Friday January 1, 2010, Pune

The police in Pune has deported a Nepalese student - from Pune's Film and 
Television Institute of India - charging her of being a threat to 
national security.

The institute however says the girl was sincere and that the police did not 
follow proper norms. Neetu's friends say that her estranged husband, who is an 
influential Nepalese politician, might have orchestrated it. 

Students of the institute and women's groups are now planning to take the 
matter up with the central government. 

The activists say Neetu is "repeatedly contacting" them from Nepal, urging them 
to "save" her life. 

B.
http://www.nepalnews.com/main/index.php/news-archive/2-political/3225-indian-authorities-draw-flak-in-nepali-student-deportation-case.html

Indian authorities draw flak in Nepali student deportation caseSunday, 03 
January 2010 14:17

A case of a Nepali student who was deported by the Indian authorities for her 
alleged Maoist links has ruffled feathers at the top echelon of the Indian 
government.Neetu Singh, 32, a student at a Pune film institute, was deported by 
the Pune police on the night of Dec.5 saying that she was a threat to national 
security.Charging her of being involved in anti-national activities, the police 
picked Neetu up from the hostel at midnight, took her to Mumbai against her 
will and deported her to Kathmandu the next day.The police later claimed that 
Neetu had links with a front organisation of the Maoists and had received 
specific inputs from Indian intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing 
(RAW).But Neetu claims she was deported at the behest of her husband Amaresh 
Singh, an influential Nepali Congress politician, with whom she is seeking a 
divorce.On Saturday, Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) MP Brinda Karat 
drew the attention of Home Minister P.
 Chidambaram's in "an unjust case" of the Nepali student being deported. He 
also demanded a probe into the incident, asking how a domestic "dispute" had 
become a matter concerning "national security"."It is apprehended that her 
deportation is a result of her domestic circumstances," Karat said in a letter 
to Chidambaram, "It is unthinkable that in democratic India an adult woman 
should be deported simply because her husband and parents wish her to obey them 
and further that this should be projected by our law enforcement agencies as 
being a matter of national security.""She is allegedly a victim of domestic 
violence at the hands of her husband, a well connected politician in Nepal," 
Karat told Indian news agency IANS.The decision of the Pune police to deport 
Neetu also drew sharp reaction from the Union home ministry which described the 
act as one of "gross police high-handedness".Home Secretary G.K. Pillai said on 
Friday that the ministry has sought a
 detail report from the Maharashtra government on the incident.Meanwhile, 
according to reports, Maharashtra president of the All India Democratic Women's 
Association (AIDWA) Kiran Moghe said she was in Mumbai to meet home minister RR 
Patil, to ask him to allow Singh to return to India so that she can complete 
her course.Neetu had married Amaresh two years ago in 
Kathmandu. III.http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Five+cops+in+trouble+for+‘mafia+dance’&artid=zEyhJ/J75h4=&SectionID=b7ziAYMenjw=&MainSectionID=b7ziAYMenjw=&SectionName=pWehHe7IsSU=&SEO=Five
 cops in trouble for ‘mafia dance’
MUMBAI: In a major embarrassment to the Mumbai Police, an IPS officer and four 
other personnel faced suspension on Saturday after they were allegedly seen 
dancing at a Christmas Eve party thrown by underworld don Chhota Rajan.Those 
facing the axe include Deputy Commissioner of Police V N Salve and Assistant 
Commissioner of Police Prakash Vani.Maharashtra Home Minister R R Patil ordered 
an inquiry into the incident after video footage of the policemen at the 
Christmas party hosted by Chhota Rajan’s aide Paulson at the Chembur Gymkhana 
Club raised a public outcry. The video purportedly showed the policemen dancing 
with criminals of the Chhota Rajan gang.The Mumbai police remain mum on the 
likely action against the cops. Police PRO and ACP P G Jhadav feigned ignorance 
of the matter.ACP Prakash Vani denied the allegations and said the clips and 
photographs published in the media were doctored. Terming it a conspiracy, the 
ACP said it was irresponsible on
 the part of the media to have published the clips without verifying them.
Peace Is Doable


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