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From: Kafila <[email protected]>
Date: Sat, Oct 31, 2009 at 9:40 AM
Subject: Kafila
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What happened with the Bhubaneswar Rajdhani? Reflections on Dissent and
Violence <http://feedproxy.google.com/%7Er/kafila/feed2/%7E3/Rfwxn9IwbB0/>

Posted: 30 Oct 2009 04:42 AM PDT

>From passengers’ eyewitness accounts, and those of the driver and assistant
driver of the train (congratulations, for once, to *Times of India*
and to *Indian
Express *reporter Debabrata Mohanty for going beyond statements from police
and other officials of the Indian state), this is what happened:

The train was running on schedule when the driver noticed logs on the tracks
and a large mob of about 300 waving red flags,  rushing towards the train.
As the train screeched to a halt, stones were pelted (some passengers
reported minor injuries from shattered window glass) and some men climbed
into the driver’s cabin.  Said the driver, K Ananth Rao and his assistant K
G Rao to the *ToI* reporter, Sukumar Mahato, “They said they were holding up
the train because the state had waged a war on tribals. *We followed them *and
sat by the tracks.”

[The *Indian Express *story by Ravik Bhattacharjee and Kanchan Chakrabarty,
unattributed to any source, claims "The Rajdhani Express was intercepted by
a 1500 strong mob and its driver and his assistant were *taken hostage*."]

The PCAPA (People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities) claimed

a) it was not hostage-taking, but a *rail abarodha *(a blockade) of the
train for flouting the *rail roko* call, when an indefinite bandh against
atrocities by the joint security forces in the district had begun since
morning.

b) it was meant to draw attention to the arrest of Chhatradhar Mahato, the
PCPA leader.  One of the slogans sprawling in red letters across the side of
the train says, in English, *Chhatradhar Mahato is a good man*.

The passengers generally conveyed that they never felt a threat to their
lives from the men, saying things like: “After about an hour they took pity
on us since there were so many children with us, and they let us get back on
the train” (Himanshu Patra, in *Indian Express); *“the commander said that
we should report any attempt to harm us or loot us* *directly to him*” *(Harish
Verma in *ToI);* “They asked us to come down *with our luggage *one by one”*
*(Hamid Khan, to *ToI*); “We thought they would loot us. But they did not
harm anybody after we followed their orders” (Susanta Das,
DNA<http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_bhubaneswar-rajdhani-stopped-by-maoists-taken-hostage_1303719>
)

What *did *they loot? Samosas, sandwiches, water cartons, blankets. State
property in this case, it being the Rajdhani Express.  Food, water and
warmth – basic necessitites of life that most “citizens” of India cannot
expect as a matter of course. The mobiles and walkie-talkies they took from
the drivers *were returned to them*.

Most of the men were armed with tribal weapons (axes, swords, bows and
arrows);
<http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_bhubaneswar-rajdhani-stopped-by-maoists-taken-hostage_1303719>some
were carrying fire-arms.  When security forces arrived, there was some
firing from the forests, and then the crowd melted away.

The general sense among those who speak in the public domain (including
fellow-kafialite Aman Sethi, with whom many an argument has been had in the
past!)  is that the Maoists have “learnt a lesson”.

But perhaps we need to be alert to something else altogether?

The PCAPA is *not *the CPI (Maoist), it seems worth stating. (Nor are all
Maoists with the party that calls itself  CPI-Maoist.  One of the most
pernicious conflations carried out by the mass media and the government – as
well as unknowingly by intellectuals of integrity -  which suits the
CPI-Maoist very well,  is the complete non-differentiation of of tribals
taking up arms, Maoists in general, “Naxalites”,  and the CPI-Maoist). This
operation was not a Maoist one, it has all the hallmarks of a tribal action.
No blowing up rail tracks, no hostages, no demands to blackmail the state
with the lives of innocents – these are not the signs of a Maoist operation.
There were Maoists among them, the PCAPA is *now* “backed” by CPI (Maoist),
and why did it need this backing?  Because a legitimate mass movement in
Lalgarh against police atrocities in the wake of the bomb blast on
Buddhadeb’s route, has been consistently demonized, dubbed Maoist, its
members arrested without cause, and thus, step-by-step, driven *by the state
*into the hands of the CPI (Maoist) – exactly what the bomb-blast was
intended to accomplish.  It was not meant to kill anybody, but to provoke
the state to do what it does best -  launch its war on terror so effectively
as to make the most violent alternatives to democratic mass movements look
like the only effective politics possible.

The arrest of Chhatradhar Mahato has been widely condemned, even by Left
Front partner Forward Bloc <http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?666802>.
State general secretary Ashok Ghosh told PTI that Mahato, who has been in
open contact with political leaders for some time and was issuing statements
regularly, could have been arrested three months ago through the same
process as today.  So why now? Whom does it help?

The arrest was illegal (of course, most arrests in India are) – he was
arrested by policemen posing as journalists, flouting a judgement of the
Supreme Court <http://www.alrc.net/doc/mainfile.php/cl_india/143/>that says
that during arrest, arresting police must be in uniform and bear the
official badge.

Mahato is no criminal, there are no criminal cases against him, he is the
leader of a democratic mass movement against indiscriminate state action.
The arrest is unacceptable by any standard or argument, whether strategic
(‘why now’) or democratic.

What we now see emerging in the Rajdhani incident is a legitimate people’s
mass movement protesting state atrocities, that had contained the CPI
(Maoist) within its formation for months, now being driven into the control
of that party.

Can this be the beginning of the democratization of CPI (Maoist) under the
pressure of being part of a mass movement?

I doubt it.  What many of us fear is really the case, is that the mass
movement is going to come under the control of the inherently
anti-democratic thrust of armed revolution as strategy to overthrow state
power.

Let me be very clear, I’m not arguing that violence as such is “inherently
anti-democratic”.  I am not a pacifist. Spontaneous violence against the
structural violence of the state and structure of private property, violence
in self-defence, even pre-planned violent  action designed to redress a
specific situation – all of these possibilities always simmer just below the
skin of normal society, and must be understood within the context of
hideous, unrelenting, never-addressed injustice. As Eduardo Galeano puts it
in *The Upside-Down World*:

“The *killer instinct* is an essential ingredient for getting ahead, a human
virtue when it helps large companies digest small and strong countries
devour weak, but proof of bestiality  when some jobless guy goes around with
a knife in his fist.”

Such acts of violence I will insist are justifiable political violence –
from the long and glorious history of adivasi uprisings against repressive
power, to the battered wife with an endlessly abusive husband, waiting for
him to fall into a drunken sleep before stabbing him to death.

But make no mistake – this is not the violence enshrined in parties like the
CPI-Maoist.  Armed revolution as a strategy to overthrow state power
involves two things – working towards *becoming *the state, and in the
process, intense, paranoid secrecy.  Both of these are what are inherently
anti-democratic.

And to be fair, the CPI-Maoist is very up-front about its plans.  Here are
excerpts from its document, *Urban Perspective, *available freely on
the 
web<http://maoistresistance.blogspot.com/2007/10/cpi-maoist-urban-perspective.html>
:

“In order to mobilize the broadest possible sections in struggle it is
absolutely essential that we should utilize all possible open and legal
opportunities for work (and not reject the use of legality). Broad mass
organizations help the Party to have wide contact with masses, so that it
can work under cover for a long time and accumulate strength…Broad, open and
legal forms of organizing the masses have, however, to be combined with *the
strictest methods of secrecy*, especially with regard to the link between
the open and underground organization….

Thus we must be clear that the open revolutionary mass organization cannot
be a permanent form of mass organization in the urban areas. *It can and
must be utilized *in the periods and situations of legal opportunities, and
we must be ever alert to make use of such opportunities whenever they arise…

Fractional Work – Here the Party works through the numerous traditional mass
organizations that operate in the urban areas. These traditional mass
organizations are the organizations normally set up by the masses to fight
for their sectional interests or otherwise fulfill their needs. The Party,
through its members or other activists, *penetrates such organizations
without exposing any links with the Party. *Through the activities of the
organization, the masses, while being mobilized for their sectional
interests, are attempted to be drawn towards the revolution. This method of
organizing, if properly conducted, offers the best opportunity for cover
work for a long period of time… *Once we have decided to do fractional work
within an organization we should strive to achieve a leading position in it.
*This means we should be in a position to influence and guide the decisions
of the organization. *If it is necessary to takeover office bearers’ posts *in
order to achieve this influence, then we should make attempts to do so.
Whether we take up office bearers’ posts or not, the important point in
fractional work is *the skillful exposure of the reactionaries and
reformists leading or participating within these organizations. This
exposure is essential to draw the masses away from their influence. *This
must however be done without exposing ourselves to the enemy. The forms of
exposure will thus differ depending upon the concrete situation. In vast
areas where risk of direct exposure of our fractional work activists is low,
*we can use propaganda by the secret revolutionary mass organization *or
even direct calls by the Party. In smaller areas like a single factory or
slum *we may have to mainly or only use word-of-mouth propaganda. Sometimes
we can create artificial banners like ‘angry workers’, ‘concerned slum
dwellers’, etc. for doing our propaganda. *Very often we may have to use a
combination of various methods. Whatever is the method it should be applied
carefully, skillfully, and consistently… It should ensure that the masses
are drawn away from the influence of reactionaries and reformists…

Party-formed Cover Mass Organizations – *It sometimes becomes necessary for
us to directly form mass organizations under cover without disclosing their
link with the Party. *Mostly, such a need arises *due to the absence of any
other suitable mass organization within which we can do fractional work…*The
methods of mass work too are not very different from the areas of fractional
work. The main difference is of course that we do not have the task of
exposure, as when working within the reactionary and reformist
organizations…

Legal Democratic Organizations – These are the organizations formed on an
explicit political basis with some or all aspects of an anti-imperialist,
anti-feudal programme, and with a programme of action and forms of struggle
that broadly fall within a legal framework. …The scope of the legal
democratic organization is very wide, extending to the broad coalitions and
alliances formed against repression, globalization, Hindutva, and right up
to the all-encompassing bodies formed with the banners of anti-capitalism or
people’s struggles. ..The legal democratic movement itself too can grow from
strength to strength and remain on *the correct political course *only if we
concentrate sufficiently and simultaneously on *developing the secret Party
core within it.”*

In short, take over existing mass organizations when you cannot set them up,
work towards subverting their exisiting processes by producing secret
propaganda about those who are influential in it*, and so on and on –
always, always, utilize people towards a secret end that you know if you
reveal out in the open, very few will be with you.*

Having participated over the 1990s in many broad non-party, non-funded
formations in Delhi against the state in general and against Hindutva
politics, the inexplicable and bitter break-up of some of them is now
tragically crystal clear to me.

And yet, my democratic instincts insist, even the CPI-Maoist must be given
its place within the spectrum of political dissent. As one element of the
spectrum.

The problem is, the party in its turn has no notion of legitimate dissent to
*its *politics. If you’re not with it, you’re with the state. If it declares
war on the state, it commits everyone within range – willing or unwilling,
knowing and unknowing – to that war. And this war is no metaphor. The entire
document quoted above is a document of war strategy – there is the party,
and there is the “enemy”. The rest are to be *utilized.*

Another voice *must *emerge*.* Based on a critique of the state – of any
state, of this state, of corporate greed in partnership with institutions
masquerading under cover of democracy. But insisting also, always, on the
legitimacy of dissenting voices within the dissent to the state.

*
*
Posted in Debates, Government, Left watch, Violence-Conflict Tagged:
Chhatradhar Mahato, Maoists, PCAPA, Rajdhani express
<http://feeds.wordpress.com/1.0/gocomments/kafilabackup.wordpress.com/3501/>
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The Pleasure of
Release<http://feedproxy.google.com/%7Er/kafila/feed2/%7E3/B3v1yiFY8l8/>

Posted: 29 Oct 2009 09:40 PM PDT

While there is always the thrill of holding people hostage against their
desire, the Maoists, of late, seem to have discovered the pleasure of
release.

Having spanked the state into submission by beheading Francis Induwar; by
freeing policeman Antindranath Datta and “peacefully” vandalizing the
Bhubaneswar-New Delhi Rajdhani, the Maoists appear to be signaling a new
phase in their troubled relationship with the State.

Now that the State and the media know that the Maoists are capable of taking
the pleasure equals pain principle to its logical climax, freeing hostages
and good-naturedly scribbling slogans on trains appears like a far more
civilized way of fomenting revolution.

Just yesterday, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Congress President Sonia
Gandhi expressed their willingness to break free from the handcuffs of
current discourse and engage with those who abstain (from violence).

Maoist leader Kishenji has insisted that while the rebels shall not lay down
their arms, talks with the West Bengal and Central Governments must be
preceded by the unconditional release of all prisoners taken captive since
military operations began in Lalgarh in June, a withdrawal central forces
from the area and a declaration of ceasefire by both sides.

In the meantime, the Home Minister, P.Chidambaram, has warned that he can
keep his velvet gloves on for only so long; thereafter it’s steel fisting
all the way. The victims of military operation shall inevitably be the poor
tribals who have love for neither State nor rebel.  Now if only the Maoists
would take themselves in hand.

*First published in the Hindustan Times*
Posted in Bad ideas, Countryside Tagged: Kishenji, Manmohan Singh, Maoism,
Naxals, Sonia Gandhi, spanking
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-- 



You cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a
nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the
foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.
-AMBEDKAR



http://venukm.blogspot.com

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