Thank you Merle,

I like Piketty, and I like that book, as well as commentary he has given on 
responses to debt in European history and with respect to Greece today. 

I probably use the word theory in a way that is different than you intend here, 
but that's fine.  How I would use a word is neither important nor interesting 
enough to be worth consuming public bandwidth over. 

All best,

Eric


On Jul 23, 2015, at 2:39 PM, Merle Lefkoff wrote:

> Eric--there HAS been a great advance in economic theory.  Have you read 
> Piketty?  And it's because this dorky guy knows how to make magic with 
> metadata, not because his primitive male brain is more altruistic.  And 
> outlier economist Richard Smith has just published his dynamite book on the 
> end of capitalism as a theory cum ideology.  
> 
> On Wed, Jul 22, 2015 at 4:37 PM, David Eric Smith <desm...@santafe.edu> wrote:
> Hi All,
> 
> I was going to try to write something brief that avoided ideological 
> questions (which I have no wish to get involved in on email threads), and 
> said something I hoped would be useful that follows from being careful about 
> consequences of mechanism.  But it looks like it turned into a TLDR.  Rather 
> than just dump it, I guess I will send with the TLDR caveat.
> 
> I do think that there is an interesting economics to be thought about here, 
> and I don't know how much of it is being done.  It seems to me to bear on 
> questions of economic theory that are poorly developed.  It would be nice if 
> the resurrection of disputes about regulatory mechanism and goals, raised by 
> bitcoin et al., were a gateway into a conceptual advance in economic theory.
> 
> <Anyway...>
> 
> 
> 0. Let me not talk about "digital currencies" in general, because they can 
> have different properties that matter.  Let me instead refer to bitcoin, 
> because its particular algorithm which designs in limits of supply-rate is 
> the starting point for the line in I want to take.
> 
> 0a.  Let me also suppose that the bitcoin algorithm performs as specified, 
> and that it has the cryptographic security features specified.  That permits 
> a discussion of what a specific defined algorithm can or can't do socially.
> 
> 1. With those assumptions, I think the main mechanistic feature is that 
> bitcoin becomes a kind of not merely digital cash, but more particularly 
> digital gold.  The important mechanistic consequence being that the 
> mechanisms for altering its supply are extremely limited (hoarding by 
> powerful agents), compared to any form of money that has a fiat element, or 
> to any form of credit in variable supply.  Indeed, bitcoin is 
> more-gold-than-gold, in that the supply rate of gold involves unknown 
> factors, such as discovery or extraction innovations, whereas the supply rate 
> of bitcoins follows a defined algorithm.  The power to run cycles of the 
> algorithm may involve unknowns, but they are probably of a slightly more 
> limited range than the power to extract gold.
> 
> 2. We are, of course, off the gold standard, in part, because governments 
> (and by proxy, societies), have decided they want regulatory flexibility over 
> the money supply that gold makes impossible.  Who decided, why they decided, 
> whether their motives are noble or sinful, is of course another infinite tree 
> of emails, which I will not open because I am a mechanic.
> 
> 3. HERE AN OPINION: I THINK the reason any digital currency with these 
> properties is appealing is that there are groups within society who either 
> don't like the forms of regulatory control that governments have over other 
> available monies, or they don't like the ways those controls are used.  (This 
> is the way I think "mechanism specifies a large part of the available 
> incentives").  For simplicity and brevity, I will lump several other things 
> in with regulation-proper.  Other social forces that come with 
> centrally-controlled monies include the concept of legal tender and taxation 
> (as Gary rightly emphasizes).  I lump these with regulation because they are 
> in a sense the context that makes regulation possible, even though they are 
> different.  We could use off-line currencies (cigarettes, tea, bits of paper 
> with Elvis's unforgeable signature, jade) as money, and if we did, the 
> government's ability to regulate its own currency and thereby influence 
> economic conditions would be diluted or eliminated.  Therefore governments 
> promise to give legal protection to exchanges transacted in their tender, and 
> not to others.  In addition to regulatory control, by directing the economy 
> through their money, they can increase the amount on which they claim taxes 
> owed, and although this is a separate problem of identification and 
> enforcement from regulation, it does depend on the magnitude of trade that 
> goes via the money system.
> 
> 3a.  I believe there is some overlap in the discourse of those who advocate 
> bitcoin-like digital currencies and those who want to go back onto the gold 
> standard, though the two groups are not identical.  If I don't mis-read, that 
> is part of the evidence for my claim 3. above.
> 
> 4. Back to mechanism:  If the above are correct, then any sub-system of the 
> economy that depends on a bitcoin-like digital currency will be subject to 
> the stresses that come from an inflexible-supply money such as gold, and 
> those will need to be addressed somehow. You may not like the way your 
> government practices monetary policy for its money, but I think there is 
> reason to believe that if you respond to that by shifting into a currency 
> where that (or any comparably flexible) monetary policy becomes impossible, 
> you will re-live some of the problems that led to the current situation.  
> Hence one should recognize that a different response would be to try to get 
> some control over your government and improve its monetary policy if you 
> genuinely understand that the current methods are broken and you have a 
> better algorithm.  If you don't know how to do that, then you have admitted 
> that the world contains HARD PROBLEMS and THINGS WE DON'T UNDERSTAND.  I 
> often favor that conclusion, in many areas.
> 
> 4a. What this means, if bitcoin operates within a system that also has 
> flexible government currencies, is an interesting question.  It sounds to me 
> like a question with the flavor of a public-goods problem.  The presence of a 
> parallel digital cash will dilute any government's ability to provide 
> flexibility that can be used for regulatory control or stabilization, and 
> thus will put further stress against the money system and monetary policy 
> through which that fiexibility is provided.  Conversely, the regulated money 
> will be providing "elasticity" (as the economists call it) that the digital 
> cash lacks, perhaps buffering some of its tendency to transmit shocks through 
> the economy, which a pure-digital (or pure-gold) system would generate in 
> severe forms.  That is a public service that, because its worth is hard to 
> put a good metric on, it would be hard to charge a fee for, even if the 
> holders of the digital cash weren't a bunch of ideological libertarians 
> hell-bent on getting out of paying any fees or even admitting that they are 
> the recipients of the services of publicly provided goods.
> 
> 4b.  In one way, a digital-gold-only system working within a fiat-currency 
> system resembles a country that remains on the gold standard, operating in an 
> international arena in which other countries also use fiat-monies, 
> fractional-reserve banking, and other such modern mechanisms.  In another 
> sense, however, the two must be different.  There was a period when the 
> question of whether or not to use fractional-reserve banking as a mechanism 
> to vary money supply was under active experimental exploration.  London did 
> it; it was forbidden in France, Germany, and Russia.  The result was that 
> what wealth could be accumulated by the powerful in France, Germany, and 
> Russia was all deposited in the London banks.  There are those who claim this 
> was an important factor in the rise of England as a world economic power.  
> See the bullet point below re. Lombard Street.  So in a sense, selective 
> forces seem to advantage systems with more flexibility over those with less.  
> If one wants to argue that a digital-gold layer is like one country among 
> many, one would have to ask why it has the capacity to free-ride on the 
> buffering services of other currencies, to what extent this has analogues in 
> extant international trade, and what would then keep the digital-gold system 
> from being driven out of usage, as seems to have happened to other banking 
> systems in the international arena.
> 
> 5. How your money works immediately brings in the question of what your 
> credit system is and how it relates to your money.  In fiat systems, both 
> money supply and credit supply are variable.  I believe all societies are 
> relentlessly driven to provide variability somewhere, and if they can't get 
> it from the money, then it puts more stress on variability of the credit. If 
> they do have variable money, then they have one of the classic problems of 
> how variation of the money supply should be linked to variation in supplies 
> of credit.  Switching the two is called the "monetization of credit".  It was 
> the problem addressed in the 19th century by the "Real Bills Doctrine", 
> finally put into a semi-functional form by Adam Smith, and beautifully 
> discussed in Walter Bagehot's book Lombard Street:
> http://www.econlib.org/library/Bagehot/bagLom.html
> RBD worked okay for almost a century of the Marine Merchant economy, but 
> eventually became too simple to handle modern credit markets.  What to do 
> afterward became the subject of intense (and often, it seems to me, 
> non-sensical) debates between the Monetarists in Chicago (see Friedman: 
> Essays in Positive Economics 
> https://www.google.co.jp/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&ved=0CC4QFjACahUKEwjl0LWf2-_GAhWGH5QKHbB2Crw&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.socjologia.amu.edu.pl%2Fisoc%2Fuserfiles%2F40%2Ffriedman-1953.pdf&ei=Mw-wVaXrBYa_0ASw7angCw&usg=AFQjCNEOoVQxqz3Op2NBhHQ_spu1U8_Plg&sig2=9yIIdz9crsuof9E6s9juQA&bvm=bv.98197061,d.dGo
> ) and the Keynesians of one or another generation. 
> 
> 6. BACK TO AN OPINION: I think the reason we face may of these problems is 
> that they are hard.  Money is, among other things, a component in many 
> mechanisms to solve complicated coordination and information problems.  It 
> also gives permissions and thus frames the forms of available incentives.  
> Inevitably it therefore becomes a component in social power structures.  What 
> its roles can be socially depend on what its institutional and mechanistic 
> features are (tautologically).  I would find an analytic discussion, which 
> understands that distinction, and then addresses the different parts, talking 
> about which things we have empirical grounds to think we understand, and 
> which should be viewed as confusions, interesting.
> 
> <\Anyway...>
> 
> Eric
> 
> 
> 
> 
> On Jul 23, 2015, at 3:23 AM, Nick Thompson wrote:
> 
>> Hi Merle,
>>  
>> Can you give one or two sentences to suggest why it interests you? 
>>  
>> N
>>  
>> Nicholas S. Thompson
>> Emeritus Professor of Psychology and Biology
>> Clark University
>> http://home.earthlink.net/~nickthompson/naturaldesigns/
>>  
>> From: Friam [mailto:friam-boun...@redfish.com] On Behalf Of Merle Lefkoff
>> Sent: Wednesday, July 22, 2015 1:30 PM
>> To: The Friday Morning Applied Complexity Coffee Group <friam@redfish.com>
>> Subject: [FRIAM] Interesting Link
>>  
>> http://www.coindesk.com/coin-center-bitcoin-advocacy-launch/#
>> 
>> 
>> 
>> --
>> Merle Lefkoff, Ph.D.
>> Center for Emergent Diplomacy
>> Santa Fe, New Mexico, USA
>> ​merlelefk...@gmail.com​
>>  
>> 
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> 
> 
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> 
> 
> -- 
> Merle Lefkoff, Ph.D.
> President, Center for Emergent Diplomacy
> Santa Fe, New Mexico, USA
> me...@emergentdiplomacy.org
> mobile:  (303) 859-5609
> skype:  merlelefkoff
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