The Cycles of Revolutions in Our Midst

The world is fragmenting and changing in all different directions. 
Unfortunately, contemporary America is offering no guidance.
By Victor Davis Hanson

https://amgreatness.com/2022/05/15/the-cycles-of-revolutions-in-our-midst/

May 15, 2022
We are witnessing a number of radical military, social, and political 
revolutions that are changing the United States—and the world—in fundamental 
ways that we still have not appreciated. 

The taboo about never mentioning the first-strike use of nuclear weapons in a 
major conventional war is now apparently over. Vladimir Putin routinely 
threatens their use. Communist China hints at its growing nuclear capability 
and is hell-bent on rushing into production a huge new nuclear missile force. 
The world is defining nuclear incineration down.

The more China and North Korea talk about nukes, the more necessary it is that 
uneasy democracies such as Australia, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan will make 
adjustments. And the more the United States bows out of its prior role of 
extending its nuclear umbrella over Western democracies, the more likely these 
societies will consider going nuclear themselves. Should Iran acquire nuclear 
weapons—and its patrons Russia and China seem to be ensuring that it will—then 
the long feared but heretofore never reified nuclear Middle East arms race will 
finally break out, as the petro-rich Arab world tries to deter Iran’s unhinged 
theocrats.

There is also a revolutionary vacuum occurring abroad. Russia, China, Iran, and 
North Korea are trying to figure out whether there is still any old-style 
American deterrence, or whether the woke progressives now in power in 
Washington dislike the customs and traditions of the United States even more 
than they do.

Lots of disasters have contributed to the current perilous state of affairs, 
including the precipitous American retreat from and humiliation in Afghanistan. 
Add in voluntary cutbacks in oil and gas production by the West, and the 
subsequent embarrassment of a superpower beseeching thuggish regimes to send us 
their energy. 

The politicized transformation of the U.S. military from a meritocratic force 
focused on wartime lethality into an  extension of the social welfare state 
driven by diversity, equity and inclusion has encouraged our enemies to take 
risks they otherwise might not have taken. 

Other contributors to the American power vacuum are the enormous federal debt, 
hyperinflation, and likely stagflation and recession this winter—along with the 
worldwide mania following COVID and the disastrous blanket lockdowns. All of 
the above has suggested to the world that a cognitively challenged 79-year-old 
Joe Biden is both an illustration and cause of American decline, rather than a 
temporary embarrassing aberration. 

Certainly, a wrecked downtown Seattle, the homelessness debacle San Francisco, 
a Marxist legal regime in Los Angeles, a typical Saturday night of carnage in 
Chicago, screaming throngs at the homes of Supreme Court justices, and thuggery 
at the Oscars are now typical vignettes. They should not be the stuff of a 
supposedly democratic superpower. 

Instead, the new woke United States—from the pride flag that flew atop the now 
abandoned U.S. embassy in Kabul to its former gender studies programs in now 
gender-segregated Afghanistan campuses—exudes both arrogance and weakness. That 
is a fatal combination for a major power. It suggests to those abroad that a 
once pragmatic, dependable, and competent America no longer exists. Soon it may 
reach the point that those whom America wishes to help would rather pass on 
such beneficence, given American propensities to offer sanctimonious and 
strident lectures coupled with an unreliable and ineffective military record. 

So what should we expect in the next few years? Far greater cohesion between 
frightened Western democracies on the one hand, while on the other enormous 
pressures for many to become nuclear themselves. Expect Germany to become more 
obdurate, either going its own way or ordering the EU and NATO to follow along 
its path. The more Germany endangers itself and its neighbors with its crackpot 
policies, the more the world shrugs that 1870, 1914, and 1939 were archetypal, 
not the anomalous postwar decades.

NATO and the United States may finally invest in credible missile defenses, 
since they are starting to agree with once-demonized conservatives that in 
extremis Putin would have no moral problem leveling Florence or incinerating 
Stockholm—no more than North Korea or China on the brink would hesitate to 
ensure the cinders of Seattle or San Francisco glow.  

Ukraine has been our Spanish Civil War for nearly three months, a laboratory of 
strategies, tactics, and weapons of wars to come. What are the lessons so far 
from that conflict? 

Western military technology still remains the world’s most lethal. Russian 
equipment is not just noncompetitive but reminds us that weapons are simply 
tools. Their operations hinge on skilled and zealous soldiers. The majority of 
Russian conscripts are neither.

Moreover, Ukrainians remind us that well-trained, motivated, and courageous 
small teams of combatants—mastering online, computerized, and sophisticated 
Westernized anti-tank, anti-aircraft, and anti-personnel drones and rockets—can 
nullify vast military investment and manpower. So far, the Ukrainian hit teams 
have rained death upon thousands of Russian soldiers while destroying millions 
of dollars of supposedly impregnable Russian traditional assets like artillery, 
armored vehicles, tanks, and ground support helicopters and aircraft.

Given the recent humiliating U.S. defeat in and retreat from Afghanistan—after 
abandoning tens of billions of dollars’ worth of sophisticated equipment to 
terrorists—and the ongoing destruction of the conventional Russian military and 
billions of dollars of its equipment, we are starting to revisit an earlier 
pattern of large and well-equipped expeditionary forces of big powers failing 
to achieve their strategic goals. They prove to be out of place and inept. 
China may learn the same lessons if it invades Taiwan.

In the American case, the culprits are both White House political ineptitude 
and the Pentagon’s strategic confusion. In the Russian instance, there was a 
complete divorce of abstract strategy from reality on the ground, between 
demoralized conscripts versus motivated volunteers fighting for their families. 
There were systemic Russian failures to field competent and motivated soldiers 
and to maintain and wisely employ sophisticated equipment. Russia is showing 
the world that it is a global player only to the degree it can sell oil and 
periodically threaten any nation it likes with nuclear weapons—a fact no doubt 
privately conceded by Putin himself.

In the West in general, and in the United States particularly, we are seeing a 
final fruition of decades of woke self-loathing. The sight of a pride flag 
flying on the Kabul embassy as the most lavishly supplied and funded military 
force in history scrambled to fly home, abandoning allies and employees, was a 
bitter metaphor of the arrogance, ignorance, and impotence of woke ideology.

What was once an elite boutique parlor game confined to university departments 
and the schools of education has now filtered throughout all campus courses to 
the point of being institutionalized. It is lapping into the engineering, math, 
and physics departments and the schools of medicine and business. The idea of 
meritocracy is disappearing, replaced by woke reparatory fixations on race, in 
the manner the ideologically correct Soviet commissariat destroyed Russian 
institutions or Mao’s cultural revolutionary insanity destroyed millions of 
Chinese. 

At a time of impending recession, runaway inflation, and climbing interest 
rates, universities are charging students thousands of dollars in increased 
tuition and fees to subsidize an unproductive diversity, equity, and inclusion 
industry. And like all good commissariats, the DEI apparatchiks produce no 
research, do no teaching, and bully and repress those who do.

Their chief legacy is the millions of opportunistic mediocrities emerging from 
the shadows to mouth wokester shibboleths about climate change, diversity, 
equity, and inclusion, identity politics, and transgenderism, while damning the 
customs, traditions, history, and values of a prior society that alone is 
responsible for their very affluence and leisure. 

The stuff of life—water storage for agriculture, gas and oil production for 
transportation and home livability, building materials for shelter, deterrent 
police to ensure safe streets, and competent medical officials and 
scientists—is now subordinated to ideological censure and audit. All that is 
not a sustainable proposition for a sophisticated but vulnerable multiracial 
democracy of 330 million. Nihilist ideology finally trickles down to shelves 
empty of baby formula, idled diesel semis, and parked cars left open to thieves 
in hopes they will merely steal rather than also vandalize. Boutique university 
theories turn deadly when any society is unhinged enough to adopt them.

So this cannibalistic woke revolution is no Wobbly mine take-over, no 1960s 
Woodstock, not even a Black Panther, Weatherman, or Symbionese Liberation Army 
violent spasm. Instead, wokeism is so institutionalized that, like the Soviet 
Party or the adherents of Mao’s little red book, joining the virtue-signaling 
wokesters is seen as a smart career move. Going woke is a bully’s paradise, an 
indemnity against a past ill-considered tweet or a future peccadillo. Indeed, 
it is quasi-religious groupthink proselytizing. 

The world is fragmenting and changing in all different directions. 
Unfortunately, contemporary America is offering no guidance. To the extent it 
seeks to lead and inspire, its current elite wish to take other nations and 
cultures down a nihilist pathway of self-loathing that few wish to follow.

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